Wednesday, January 31, 2007

Post 500

Five hundred posts, 508 days of blogging.

Okay, some days (eight, so far), I get lazy and don't write anything. I hope I can be forgiven.

I want to thank all of you for visiting me. There are more of you than I thought there would be. My posts are long, and take some commitment in terms of time and effort to read. The spelling and editing errors do not help. I can't help it. I am a chronic rewriter and 'editing' always turns into a complete rewrite of a post from top to bottom, introducing as many new mistakes as I correct.

Anyway, I am seriously flattered at those who find this place worthy of your time and attention.

Now that I have done all of this writing, I am thinking of taking some of my favorite posts, and those that readers tell me they like best, and putting them together into a book.

This will not be a book on moral theory. I have already put a set of essays explaining the theory that sits as the foundation of this blog into a book, "A Better Place: Selected Essays in Desire Utilitarianism"

Of course, my habit of chronic rewriting will compel me to rewrite those posts into a form that will be more appropriate in a book format - giving them context and, of course, getting somebody to edit them.

Of the things that I have written, I have my own favorites. However, I invite you to tell me which of these you think I should not include, and which of those I have not included that I should include.

My Favorite

My personal favorite posting talked about my dad. Atheists in Foxholes

The Story Posts

Another group of personal favorites are my story posts. Every once in a while, I think of getting my mind into a different way of thinking and making this more of a standard way of expressing my ideas. But, they're actually very hard to write.

A Perspective on the Pledge

A Perspective on Scouting

The Meaning of Life

Though these following two stories do not appear as blog entries, I still like them.

Dialogue: Conversation at the Gate

Dialogue: HumanRace, Inc.

Of course, anybody who is so interested can read a much longer story post - my online philosophical/fantasy novel, The Cult of Justice and Will

The Popular Posts

It is inevitable that some posts will be more popular than others. Here are the ten posts that still collect the greatest number of readers even though they have sunk into the dark depths of the archives.

"All Men are Created Equal"

Militant Atheists

Science vs. Religion

The Culpability of Moderates

Speaking vs. Acting

"You're Wrong"

The Ethics of Ridicule

Faith Hospital

Dennis Miller, Global Warming, and Epistemic Negligence

Source of Hatred

The Standard Topics

I have, of course, taken the opportunity of this blog to write some essays on issues of long-term importance (though some of these, I hope, will become as uncontroversial as the issue of slavery - once heavily debated - has become today)

Abortion (and Infanticide): Part I

Abortion (and Infanticide): Part II

Abortion: Parental Consent and Parental Notification

Physician Assisted Suicide

Capital Punishment: The Cost of Celebrating Killing

Buying and Selling Organs

Homosexuality

Animal Rights: The Predator Problem

Law and Morality

In the 500 days that I have been writing we have seen an absolutely shocking degradation in this country's concern for liberty and individual rights.

The Ten Amendments

Civil Disobedience

Torture

Gerrymandering (aka Partisan Apartheid)

Politics and Values

Legislating Morality

Cartoons and Violence

Money and Values

I also hold that there is a strong relationship between economics and morality. Not only are there right and wrong ways of making money, but economic institutions themselves may be either moral or immoral.

Public Goods

Global Warming: Who Pays?

The Tragedy of the Global Climate Commons

Energy Prices and the Folly of Price Controls

John Stossel on Price Gouging

National Debt

A National Language

Survival vs. Property

Survival vs. Property Part Deux

The Future

Finally, I have an overall concern with leaving the world better than it would have been if I had not existed. This requires looking ahead to the future and at the those institutions that show the greater ability to improve the quality of life. We live in a universe that is indifferent to our survival - as a species, and as individuals. So, our survival depends on our ability to understand the world – the real world, not the world of fantasy and superstition – so that we can anticipate the ways in which that universe might destroy us and protect ourselves from it.

This first one is personal: The Atheist Materialist Scientist

Fact-Based vs. Fiction-Based Policies

A National Day (or More) of Science

The Price of Evil

The Bus of State

Religion, Science, and Bigotry

NASA's Space Budget

Property In Space

Conclusion

I cannot see myself giving this up. My reason for living has been to leave the world better than it would have otherwise been, and this has been the best method I have found for fulfilling that desire. I am considering some changes in focus, but the project remains the same.

I'll be here again tomorrow. I would be pleased if you would join me.

Alonzo Fyfe

Tuesday, January 30, 2007

Post 499: A Call to Action

With post 500 just around the corner, I wanted to write a post to encourage my readers to not just read these posts and then go about life as usual, but to take action to make the world a better place for those who live on it.

The Barbarians at the Gate

Austin Cline at About: Agnositicism/Atheism in a post titled, “Atheists are Coming for Your Children, Your Liberty” discussed an article in “Answers to Genesis” that raised the alarm that atheists are after their children and that militant atheists are out to destroy Christianity.

In reading the AiG article, I noticed that it was a fundraising piece. The author begins by shouting the alarm that the barbarians (that’s us, in case you didn’t recognize us) are at the gates, and if we capture their stronghold then we will kill all the men, rape their women, and boil and eat their children. Then he rallies the troops to defend all that is good and holy by enlisting in the AiG army or contributing money so that AiG can hire mercenaries to defend the barricades, keeping the barbarian atheists away.

Of course, we are wise barbarians. We recognize the value of hitting our enemy at their most vulnerable spot – their children. If we can capture the children, then time alone will take care of the rest. We are such clever creatures, for all of our barbarianism.

Christians

This blog is not a Christian vs. Atheist blog, and I have no interest in these conflicts per se. I do not write about the existence of God or the contradictions in any religious text. I do hold that the proposition “God exists” is almost certainly false. There are an infinite number of things that one can believe without evidence, and the odds of any one of them being true are 1/infinity. This number is never zero, but it gets pretty darn close to zero. Close enough, in fact, that it is rational to say, “For all practical purposes – for all of the effect that it has on the real world – it’s zero.”

However, the world is far too complex and time is far too short for all of us to give every belief close rational scrutiny. We form our beliefs on the run, as we move from one concern to the next. We have to forego perfect rationality in favor of ‘rules of thumb’ that sometimes yields wrong answers. In spite of the higher possibility of error, we get our answers faster. In the real world, a faster possibly wrong answer is often more useful than a guaranteed true answer that comes too late. Evolution itself would favor such mental shortcuts.

The rule I argue for in determining when a person has an obligation to take the time to hold their beliefs up to the clear light of reason is when there is a threat of harm to others. The greater the potential harm, the greater the moral obligation to use reason to determine if a belief is true or false.

If by “Christian” one means a person dedicated to curing the sick and injured, feeding the hungry, and helping people find fulfillment compatible with their nature and the well-being of others, I am happy to have such people among my neighbors. I can see no reason to object to Christianity in this form – what I will call a Christian of the First Order. In fact, a Christian could be a desire utilitarian. There is no inherent conflict in the idea that God created the world in which morality exists, and that desire utilitarianism describes the moral fabric that God created. I think that one could interpret Jesus as a person who said, “Do that act that a person with good desires would do.” Indeed, this would be a reasonable interpretation of the question, “What would Jesus do?”

However, there is a second type of “Christian” – a Christian of the Second Order. This type of Christian stands in defense of death and sickness by blocking the medical research that could find a cure for these ailments. Their “beliefs without evidence” condemn hundreds of millions of people to suffering and death because they have decided to claim that a 150-cell blastocyst has a soul. They use this same superstition to claim the right to empower the state to take control of the bodies of women and treat them as government property. The teach hatred of science and reason when science and reason provide the necessary tools for curing the sick and injured, feeding the hungry, and helping people to live more fulfilling lives.

These Second Order Christians subject young homosexuals to emotional abuse severe enough to drive many of them to suicide – which these Christians have no reason to be concerned about since their Bible says that homosexuals should be put to death anyway. It is, at least, legal to drive them to suicide.

These Second Order Christians promote conflict in various parts of the world in order to fulfill biblical prophecy, and neglect the long-term well-being of Earth and humanity because they believe we have no long-term interests. The Rapture will happen any day now.

When Christianity turns into a tool for doing harm to others, then any caring person has no obligation but to take stand up for those who would be harmed.

Of course, there is no sharp dividing line between these two groups. There is a continuum, with some Christians drifting closer to the First Order conception and others closer to the Second Order account.

Preventing Harm

If a person has a genuine concern to protect innocent people from harm, then that person will have a reason for action to prevent others from becoming people who do harm. There is a genuine moral obligation to oppose Second Order Christians – precisely because they are a threat to others. They bring death, disease, hate, and ignorance, and they stand in the way of making wise decisions about the long-term future of the Earth and its inhabitants.

Atheists have children of their own. If they do not have biological children, they have nieces and nephews, and friends with children. They have reason to be concerned that as the child grows the child not suffer the pains and loss of diseases that could have otherwise been cured, groundless hate, violence in the name of God, and that the world be a place capable of sustaining them rather than having been driven into the sewers by their selfish and short-sighted ancestors.

To do that, atheists of today have reason to take steps to ensure that their children’s neighbors are people who will help rather than harm. And harm done in the name of God is still harm.

As I noted earlier, Austin Cline’s remarks were made in response to a fund raising letter. It was a call to collect money to promote the author’s own cause of hatred and ignorance. Every person who answered that call and contributed money, paid to make the world worse than it would have otherwise been. They paid to promote hate and ignorance, and to raise yet another generation of children to be a threat to their neighbors and to do harm in the name of God.

No doubt, they will go to bed feeling proud of their accomplishments. There is no doubt that the witch-burners, inquisitors, and crusaders of the past felt the same pride.

Contributing

This posting, too, is a fundraising letter – a call to readers to commit to taking action to defending reason and enlightenment, to defending your own children and the children of those you care about, against those who would do them harm.

I am not accepting any contributions – you will find no “donate” button on this blog. I have nothing against donations, and this might change in the future, but at this point I consider it to be too much of a hassle.

However, the forces of ignorance and hate – the Second Order Christians – are very well funded, and can only be met by organizations that have comparable resources to draw upon. This means volunteer labor and cash contributions – even to the point of sacrificing other things that you might want.

I am not a fan of promoting atheism per se. Atheism does not imply any moral code, and it is possible for an atheist to be no less a threat to others than a theist. I argue that the effort should go specifically to attacking those attitudes that can be directly linked to harm to others. In doing so, those who defend that which is right and good have had a habit of biting their tongue when they encounter those who use religious argument. That tongue-biting must come to an end. When religion is used in defense of policies that are harmful to others, then that religion (or that sect of that religion) needs to be truthfully labeled as a belief system that makes its followers a threat to others.

To the degree that fewer people have attitudes that are harmful to others, to that degree we will have fewer people being harmed by others.

Encouragement

So, I actually do encourage my readers to find activities that will reach children and teach them the fundamentals of reason and science, and to turn them away from the doctrines of ignorance and hate that surround them. This does not mean being anti-Christian. It means being anti-hate and anti-ignorance, and a willingness to chase down these evils even when it hides behind a curtain of faith.

It is not wrong to want our children to enjoy their adulthood in a society that is not drowning in ignorance and hate.

In all of this, it is far better to peacefully persuade a person to give up ignorance and hate than to force them to do so. For the sake of the kids, it is worth the effort.

Monday, January 29, 2007

Submission to Authority

Austin Cline at “About: Agnosticism/Atheism” had a pair of postings over the weekend whose proximity made them particularly interesting.

Post #1: Christians Shouldn’t Submit to Secular, Civil, Political Authority. This post concerned the attitude some Christians take on submission to government authority. The attitude is that if their brand of Christian were not allowed to dictate the rules governing society, they were not obligated to be members of that society.

Post #2: Caring for Others’ Feelings is Not an Atheist Trait, Austin discusses a comment a teacher made to a student (pseudonym, Possum #1) who told the teacher, “I think I am an atheist.” Possum #1 responded that the teacher told her that she could not be an atheist because atheists do not care about the feelings of others.

In a post that largely focused on anti-atheist bigotry, Cline included a section discussing a comment that the Possum #1’s parent should be ashamed to have a child who talks back to authority in this way. The commenter wrote:

If I had a daughter, she wouldn’t dare speak to an adult in the ways that Possums daughter speaks to adults. I do not tolerate insolense in my home. I would be ashamed of that essay.

These posts invite the question: What, is the proper level of respect that a person should give to authority?

A Demand for Discipline

I am going to start by giving this issue a little more context by saying that the teacher mentioned in Post #2 should be subject to official discipline. The act of demanding a formal apology on this matter will communicate the message that this is as bigoted a statement as a teacher can make – like telling a black student who has done a kind deed, “That is awfully white of you.” As such, it will communicate to others within earshot of this case that these types of attitudes are those of a person of low moral character – a person worthy of condemnation. Many of those who hear this message will be students, whose attitudes of right and wrong (whose desires and aversions) are still more malleable.

It is an important message to communicate and, as I have been arguing throughout this blog, an important way to communicate moral messages.

We must consider the way that bigotry works. People ‘interpret’ events consistent with their prejudices. A teacher who thinks that an atheist cannot consider the feelings of others is going to interpret the actions of any atheist student as one inconsistent with the idea of concern for others. An atheist and a Christian student performing identical acts will be treated differently when the teacher is incapable of interpreting an atheist’s actions as being motivated by concern for others. She will then communicate those attitudes to other students.

We have good reason to be concerned for the next student in this teacher’s class who writes or says, “I am an atheist,” rather than Possum #1’s comment that, “I think I am an atheist.”

Those who are unwilling to challenge these attitudes leave them in place to do their harm to the next generation of young minds, and the generation after that, perpetuating a culture in which atheists are the most hated group in America, incapable (for example) of holding public office and banished from holding positions as judges or other public officials.

Submission to Authority

On the question of submitting to authority, I would like to ask a hypothetical question of the woman who was “ashamed” of the essay.

What is the obligation of the student to respect an authority figure when that authority figure misbehaves? If a teacher touches the student inappropriately, where is there an obligation to submit to authority? If a teacher calls a student a nigger, what may we say about how the student may speak to such a teacher? If that student sees a teacher touch some other student inappropriately, or overhears the teacher telling somebody about the ‘niggers’ in her class, is it an act of insolence to protest?

The good student speaks stands up to those who are guilty of moral transgressions, even when those who transgress are members of an authority class. Indeed, particularly when those who transgress are members of an authority class – because those authority figures are teaching (by example) those same standards to others.

In fact, one of the most important lessons that a school can teach a student is the obligation to stand up to those who abuse their authority. The time that one is a student is the time in which responsible adults guide students in their moral development by praising those who do well in this regard and condemning those who do poorly. Doing poorly, in this context, means remaining passive in the face of injustice.

We can compare this commenter’s lesson to the lesson many people expect students to carry out of their American History class, regarding the revolutionary war. The dominant lesson of that period of history is that there are lines beyond which authority figures (the King of England) may not cross.

The first recourse of the moral individual when faced with an abuse of authority is to petition the institution of authority for a change in policy to correct for the injustice. Thus, the founding fathers first petitioned the King of England for a change in policy. The founding fathers also wrote into the Constitution that people have a right to petition the government for a redress of grievances.

This is precisely what Possum #1 did. Her essay was such a petition. Her response was a bigoted, hateful slam that atheists (which, by the way, includes Possum’s own mother) inherently fail to consider the interests of others.

If injustice continues, the next step in an open society is to campaign for change. In a country that has procedures established for open debate and peaceful change, there is no call for violence. Thus, my paragraph above calling for an official reprimand (no teacher shall tell a student that their parents are inherently unkind in virtue of their religion) is in order.

This latter point reveals a distinction between the obligation to obey and the obligation to accept. In an open society, one may have an obligation to obey an unjust law until one can get it changed. However, the obligation to obey such a law is never to be confused with an obligation to accept it – an obligation never to question its justice, and to refrain from seeking changes and improvements in existing law.

Withdrawing from the School System

On the question of Christians withdrawing from the school system, these principles would suggest that they are within their rights to do so. They have a right to petition the government for grievances and to campaign for change and to engage in whatever peaceful, private actions are consistent with their views.

Cline correctly identifies a reason for concern. “The absence of exposure to children of other faiths, cultures, and beliefs would also have a detrimental impact on their development. Strict sectarian separation in the schools appears to have been a major contributor to violence in Ireland, for example.”

Actually, I would need a reference for the “appears to have been a major contributor to violence in Ireland” claim. However, more importantly, Cline did not address the type of response that these concerns warrant. Do they justify compelling these fundamentalists to send their children to public schools, or do they only justify efforts to persuade parents to do so – and condemning and criticizing those who do not?

I would argue for the latter. History tells us that we have difficulty knowing exactly which views should be taught. It is quite likely, for example, that Christian fundamentalists may feel the need to compel religious education on the basis that those who do not believe in God are a danger to others – because they lack any type of moral foundation. The view is bigoted, hate-mongering nonsense, but it is nonetheless popular nonsense.

A wise position to take is to allow individuals to choose their own paths, for themselves and their children, and to limit the allowable forms of persuasion to private words and deeds, rather than government compulsion.

Yes, there are limits to what we may compel parents to teach their children. Those who hold that the mental health of a child requires ritual beatings or rapes may be prohibited from doing so, and no claim that ‘we have the right to follow our religious practices” can save them. There is a presumption in favor of the parents. However, it is the same type of presumption used against criminals – a presumption of innocence unless proven guilty. We have more than enough evidence to prove guilty, and to prohibit, the types of child rearing that involve daily beatings and rapes. We do not have strong reason to prohibit the teaching of ideas we do not like.

However, the moral argument for freedom and against prohibition does not imply that it is wrong we must ‘tolerate’ in the sense of refusing to criticize those who teach their children superstitious nonsense. Private words and deeds of condemnation are perfectly legitimate. Children who are taught nonsense are being harmed, even if it is not a level of harm that demands state intervention.

Related Posts:

"The Ethics of Ridicule"

"Speaking vs. Acting"

Sunday, January 28, 2007

Dear Reader: Some Comments on Context

Dear Reader:

I am in one of those moods where I am simply not interested in another cold, dry discussion of some issue of moral relevance – whether on the level of theory or of practice.

From time to time, it is important to remember that the subject of ethics is about people.

I am getting very near to 500 posts. Given the average size of one of my posts, that amounts to something just shy of 1,000,000 words. It amounts to somewhere around 2,000 hours of labor.

Yet, most of those postings are pretty dry. I’m not one to put a lot of emotion into what I write.

It is very easy for a posting to read like a mathematical formula, where the only thing one looks at is how neatly and logically the concepts fit together (or not, as the case may be). Ultimately, the writing seems to be only of academic importance.

From time to time, I think it is important to stress that the ‘conclusions’ one reaches in a moral argument is that somebody is either going to be writing in pain in a jail cell or a hospital bed, or sitting down to dinner with his or her family. The conclusion is a consciousness growing dim and going out forever, or experiencing the joy of playing with his children.

These are not insignificant, abstract conclusions.

I would like to confess that, when I read about people demanding that the American soldiers get out of Iraq, when I read about the resolution saying that this “surge” is not in the national interests, I get angry.

It is purely an emotional anger. My stand on the war is that I will wait for expert opinion and hold that the rational view is to adopt that same position. Recently, with reports from the Iraq Study Group and the Joint Chiefs of Staff being against the “surge”, I know that I must intellectually be for it.

Yet, it is not what I want. I want the “surge” to work.

There are people dying . . . a whole lot of people, not just Americans . . . and that bothers me. I want it to stop.

Those who talk about withdraw too often talk only about American lives. I do not hear them talking about Iraqi lives. It is as if an Iraqi life does not matter. It is as if the 10-year-old Iraqi child, her flesh ripped apart by the nails that were wrapped around a bomb set off in the market – does not matter. It is not an American child, so it is not important.

I would very much like to hear the advocates of withdraw spend at least a little time explaining how they are going to help the children.

Bush recently made the comment that failure in Iraq was an Iraqi failure. For this, he was chastised – blaming somebody else for what was clearly his failure. Now, Bush did fail. Bush is an idiot, who fell for an idiot’s plan that he executed with near perfect incompetence.

However, that does not imply that this was not an Iraqi failure. The Iraqi people did, indeed, fail. American soldiers did not compel them to take up the task of blowing up each other’s children. This is something they volunteered to do themselves. What type of person does that?

More importantly, how is it possible to get people to stop doing that?

It’s not just the suicide bomber either. I have written about how the opponent of embryonic stem-cell research is going to have far more children laying in hospitals or in the morgue than the bombers of Baghdad – more, by orders of magnitude. For every child laying in a Baghdad hospital with a missing limb, there will be thousands of children with diseases and injuries that may otherwise be cured, laying maimed or dying.

Whose children?

Yours? Your grandchildren? Your friends’ children? The children you have not even had yet?

Pick up a young child you know and look into his or her eyes for a moment. Think that, in 10 years, this child could have an injury (i.e., spinal cord) or a disease that stem cell research could cure or treat, but instead this child will be permanently disabled or dead.

That child may grow up to be a homosexual. A disproportionate number of teenage suicides are homosexual children. Those with sick minds say that this supports the idea that homosexuality is an illness. Instead, it points to the fact that those who condemn homosexuality are a threat to the psychological well-being of children, leaving psychological scars that are not unlike those caused by other forms of child abuse.

In any high school of any size in the country, there is a child thinking about taking his or her own life and ending the pain of social rejection. That pain is a tragedy in its own right, regardless of what the child ends up doing as a result of that pain.

These are the things that I have written about in these 500 postings. It does not always show through, but that is the conclusion.

A recent story tells of parents who want a religious exemption for a blood test conducted on newborns, for the purpose of testing for several diseases. One of the tests, according to the news story, “Many of the diseases covered in the bill are deficiencies, and one, phenylketonuria, can result in severe mental retardation without diet restrictions starting at birth."

One of the couples wants to avoid the test because they follow an offshoot of scientology that lead the parents to believe that, "…newborns are in pain for at least 3 1/2 days, and don't want blood drawn _ which they believe would cause more pain _ for at least that long."

Another couple who is opposing the requirement holds that "…the Bible instructs against deliberately drawing blood. According to the book of Leviticus, 'the life of the flesh is in the blood,' and ignoring that directive may shorten a person's life, they said."

Is there any evidence for this shortening of a person's life? I suggest that not drawing blood may shorten the person's life or drastically reduce the quality of life, and this comes scientific research to back it up - actual peer-reviewed research comparing control groups to study groups showing which group has the shorter or lower-quality lives.

Both couples argue that the law, "…is an infringement on their religious beliefs and their right to decide what's best for their four children."

Fine. Here’s a belief for you. Couple C believes that their child should be roasted in an oven for 3.5 hours at 350 degrees after birth, and then eaten. Couple D believes that their child should experience sexual stimulation daily after birth – that this will improve their child’s psychological well-being. Couple E holds that children should be whipped until bleeding for any transgression. Couple F holds that unruly children should be killed.

There are limits to the degree that the state must stand by and watch parents put the lives and well-being of innocent children at risk, for the sake of a belief or an interpretation that are as random and foolish as drawing names out of a hat.

There are scientific studies behind the claims that these blood tests find important diseases and knowing about these diseases gives the chance a better shot at a better life. Those who refuse these tests for religious reasons are no better than those who plant the bombs full of nails in a shopping area, except these parents set of their bombs in their own nurseries. Contrary to what some my think, this does not make their actions nobler. It makes their actions even more depraved.

We all know that these things happen.

What are we going to do about them? Watch the Super Bowl and rate the commercials? Is that it?

I’ll be working on my next post, starting tomorrow morning, right when I get out of bed.

See you tomorrow.

Saturday, January 27, 2007

Lawrence Krauss: Selling Science

This is a second of a series of commentary on presentations given at Beyond Belief 2006. It concerns the second presentation given at that conference.

That presentation was given by Lawrence Krauss, Director of the Center for Education and Research in Cosmology and Astrophysics at Case Western Reserve University. On the conflict between religion and science, Krauss argued that there were some things that science cannot show – that science cannot prove that God does not exist. When it comes to teaching science, scientists should recognize that people have no natural interest in their product. Scientists need to sell science, and a good salesman does not insult and denigrate his customers.

The biggest mistake any teacher makes is assuming that their students are interested in what they have to say.

Krauss tells us that anybody who wants to teach has to learn salesmanship. He said:

You have to sell. Teaching is selling. And science is selling. In fact, it’s seduction. If you want to educate people, you have to go to where they are and reach out to where they are coming from. And if you want to educate people, attacking them is not going to educate them at all. And I think most of us here . . . what we want to do is educate. We want to explain to people the wonders of nature. If we want to make them receptive to it we have to understand where they are coming from.

As far as selling goes, this makes sense. If you want to sell somebody a car, then what you need to do is to find out where they are coming from in order to explain to them how buying a car (from you) is a good choice for them to make. A car salesperson is not advised to attack potential customers. Given any two salesperson – an attack salesperson and a welcoming salesperson, it is the latter that will more likely make salesperson of the month. If we are interested in selling science, these are things that we should keep in mind.

However, let us look at a different model. Instead of comparing the selling of science to the selling of cars, let us compare it to the selling of abolitionism (of slavery) instead.

Let us imagine Dr. Krauss attending an abolitionist convention, telling the participants that if they want to “educate” people on the wrongness of slavery, that “you have to go to where they are and reach out to where they are coming from. If you want to make them receptive to it we have to understand where they are coming from.”

Unfortunately, one of the problems with slavery rests entirely on where the slave owner is coming from. He is “coming from” a place that no person has the right to be. To reach out to where such a person is coming from is to give that place some measure of legitimacy. It says, “There is no fault at you being at that particular location. What we are going to try to do is to sell the abolition of slavery to you, even while we insist that there is nothing about being a slave owner that deserves being attacked.”

Krauss’s argument is fine if the selling of science is like selling a car, but it fails if the selling of science is like selling the abolition of slavery. The car salesperson makes no assumptions about the value of where his customer is coming from. Recognizing the difficulty in changing a customer’s desires, he tries instead to package the car as a product that will fulfill those desires (often, it seems, even if he has to lie to do so). On the other hand, it is written into the very nature of a moral good such as the abolition of slavery that those who do not purchase this product are immoral. It is very much the case that there is something wrong with where the slave owner is coming from.

This, then, invites us to ask whether the selling of science is like the selling of cars, or the selling of abolitionism.

We can answer this question by asking, “What happens when people refuse to buy the product? Specifically, is there reason to believe that the type of person who would refuse to purchase this product becomes a threat to others?”

The person who refuses to buy a used car is no threat to others. Or, at least, there is nothing about refusing to buy a car that is seriously linked to the conclusion that he is a threat to others. On the other hand, the person who refuses to buy abolition is a threat to others. He will stand in the defense of actions in which others are harmed. In other words, the car shopper has a moral permission not to purchase the product that the seller is trying to sell. The abolition shopper has no moral permission to refuse this product; those who refuse to buy are, by definition, evil and worthy of contempt.

One of the points that Krauss made, that Dr. Steven Weinberg (who had made the earlier presentation) agreed to, is that science cannot prove that God does not exist. Krauss asserted that his study of cosmology shows no evidence of design, but that he cannot go from this to conclude that there is no design. Quoting Carl Sagan, he asserted the maxim, “The absence of evidence is not evidence of absence.”

Weingerg’s response was that science cannot disprove the existence of fairies in the garden, but that does not give us reason to take seriously those who say that such fairies exist.

As it turns out, there are an infinite number of things that science cannot disprove. As such, if somebody picks one of these and says, “This is true,” that person has picked one out of an infinite set. His chance of being right, then, are 1/infinity.

Some approach this with the attitude that if there are only two options, then there is a 50/50 chance of each being right. Either God exists, or God does not exist. Neither can be disproved, so there is a 50% chance that God exists.

The logic is flawed, however. If somebody were to roll a die 10,000 times and sum the results, we could say that the total is either 60,000 or it is not 60,000. However, it does not follow that “60,000” is as likely as “Not 60,000”. In fact, “Not 60,000” is extremely likely. The odds that a God whose existence cannot be disproved, but for which there is no evidence is extremely unlikely.

Krauss attempted to argue that science and religion need not be thought of as “in conflict”. He attempted to suggest that science can be viewed as informing and refining faith. Science cannot tell us what is right, he said. However, science can tell us what is wrong. Science can, for example, tell us that those whose religion requires that the Earth is 6,000 years old need to rethink their religion.

He also suggested that science can have something to say about the idea that homosexuality is an abomination. He said that science can show that homosexuality exists in nature, so it is not an abomination in nature. Furthermore, science can require consistency. Consistency, in turn, requires that those who hold that homosexuality is an abomination on the basis of scripture also, “…have to accept the fact that you are allowed to kill your children if they disobey you”.

I want to quickly add that one cannot morally defend an action by showing that it occurs in nature. Male lions kill their stepchildren. Cannibalism is common. In fact, nature invented the roles of ‘predator’, ‘prey’, ‘parasite’ and ‘host’. From these, we should be able to conclude that murder of stepchildren, cannibalism, and predatory and parasitic behavior are not abominations either. If we accept Krauss’s second command that it is all or nothing, then somebody who gets their morality according to what happens in nature has as much of a problem as somebody who gets their morality from scripture.

However, this does not refute the more general claim that the scientist can command consistency – only that this demand gives us as much reason to reject “what happens in nature” as it does to reject “what happens in scripture” as moral standards. In fact, what I wrote in the previous paragraph uses the more general rule of demanding consistency against the ‘what happens in nature is not wrong” theorist. It does not reject the use of that principle.

Yet, this same type of argument – a demand to make logical sense – points to the conclusion that somebody who adopts a belief merely on the basis that “nobody can disprove it” has a 1/infinity chance of being right. This is one of the ways that science can inform faith. I am uncertain whether Krauss would be comfortable with science informing faith in this way.

In the past, I have written against the idea of condemning all religion. Instead, I have argued for focusing on religious beliefs that are directly linked to behavior that is harmful to others – terrorist attacks, the condemnation of stem-cell research, the condemnation of homosexuality, coerced participation in religious events by making them a part of civil ceremonies, the demand to feed false information to children in public schools, prohibitions on providing women with any education at all. Where we have harm, we have reason to condemn those who cause harm. If there is no harm, then we can treat the refutation of those beliefs as a casual academic exercise.

Still, it is not morally appropriate to approach those whose beliefs lead them to act in ways harmful to others by “reaching out” and “understanding where they are coming from”. They are coming from a position that makes them a threat to others. As such, “where they are coming from” is a position that we have many and strong 'reasons for action' to condemn. There is no heaven or hell. The very real harm that these people do to very real people cannot be “made up for” in the afterlife. The destruction they cause is permanent. For the sake of those being harmed, it is quite reasonable to condemn those who cause harm for no good reason at all.

Friday, January 26, 2007

Faith: A Defect of Desire

Today, I wish to argue that faith is not so much a defect in belief, but a defect in desire.

My topic has a context. My most recent education project involves listening to all of the sessions from the recent conference, “Beyond Belief: Science, Religion, Reason and Survival”. They have been a joy to listen to. They brought back memories from graduate school, when I had an opportunity to listen to groups of extremely well educated people debate an issue. It is marvelous to behold – as wonderful as any scene of natural beauty – to watch great minds at work.

Over the course of the next indeterminate number of weekends, I would like to report on some of the speeches that were given and to make comments on some of the speakers’ key points.

Weinberg's Presentation on the Conflict between Religion and Science

This first essay in this series considers the first speech given at the conference. In it, Dr. Steven Weinberg, Professor of Physics and Astronomy at the University of Texas at Austin, discussed the conflict between religion and science. He argued that the conflict went deeper than simply a dispute over the literal truth of the Bible. Specifically, he suggested that there were four major areas of conflict.

(1) Religion places humans at the center of the universe – physically and in terms of cosmic importance. Science, on the other hand, has consistently questioned the cosmic significance of the human race. Instead of being actors in this cosmic struggle between good and evil at the very center of creation, humans occupy an little blue dot that orbits an average star in a galaxy of 400 billion stars that is one of hundreds of billions of galaxies in, possibly, one of countless universes in a multiverse.

(2) Science has removed the need for religious explanations. It was once popular to see God in the mysteries of the universe. However, science has come in and given us alternative explanations that do not need God. Science is even getting a grip on explaining the finer qualities of humans – our capacity to love, for charity, and for kindness – all without a God.

(3) Science chains the hands of God. When we explain things in terms of natural law, we leave less room for God to act on the universe.

(4) Science conflicts with religion in terms of “ways of knowing”. Religion uses prophets and scripture – sources of allegedly unerring truth that we can go back to again and again. Science has heroes, but no prophets.

For my part, I want to focus on the first of these four areas of conflict and see if I can add something to it.

The Desire that God Exists

Statement 1 suggests that a state of affairs in which humans are the center of cosmic attention is important to a great many people. It is so important that they have an adverse reaction to any theory that suggests that we are not the center of cosmic attention. We are, instead, a group of animals who are trying to survive in a universe that is substantially indifferent as to our survival – that would not miss us at all if we were to disappear.

As a desire-utilitarian, I want to take a look at the nature of this desire to be the center of cosmic attention.

Desire utilitarianism is built on the idea that desires are propositional attitudes. A person with a desire that 'P' (for some proposition P - such as, "Humans are at center of cosmic attention") has a motivating interest in making or keeping 'P' true. He 'values' states of affairs in which 'P' is true and finds no value in states of affairs in which 'P' is false, and these values provide him with reasons for action.

Note: A person can find value in states of affairs where 'P' is false, but where 'Q' is true and the agent has a desire that 'Q'. However, for purposes of explaining the relationship of states of affairs and desires, we can ignore these unnecessary complications.

Anyway, in considering this desire to be the center of cosmic attention, the desire utilitarian comes up with a number of questions.

(1) What, exactly, are the propositions ‘P’ that are the objects of this desire to be at the center of cosmic attention? What do these people want, really? It seems that they want to see themselves as important to somebody else. However, they are not seeking to be special to just anybody – not to their spouses, parents, children, friends, neighbors, and countrymen. They want to be special in the eyes of some super being called God. If this God does not like them, then life is not worth living.

(2) Are the desires identified in (1) biologically fixed, or are they malleable (learned)? Did nature, through a process of natural selection, select for a “want to be seen as important to a super being gene”? Or is this desire to be seen as important to some super being something that people learn – because adults tell them as children “you are worthless unless the super being loves you”?

Malleable or Fixed?

On the question of whether this desire to be loved by a super being – or a desire to be the center of cosmic attention – I think it is reasonable to hold that this is not an innate desire, but one that is learned. There are simply too many people who do not have it – and whose not having it seems to be tied more strongly to social and environmental factors than to genetic factors – to suggest that it is a matter of biological necessity.

The following is a particularly weak form of argument, and I want it to be known that I recognize it as such. However, I will offer it for the feeble merit it does have. I, for one, have no trouble with the idea that humanity is not at the center of cosmic attention, or that I am not special in the eyes of some super-being. I have no trouble accepting the fact that we humans live on a speck of dust orbiting an average star that is one of trillions of average stars in the galaxy. Humanity does not have to be special to some super ghost to be special to me. It is sufficient that they are my neighbors, that they are people that I share my life with. That alone makes them special to me.

However, beyond personal testimony, one can browse the internet to read hundreds of stories of people who became or are atheists. Many come from highly religious parents, and they explain their conversion by referring to things that they noticed in the world around them. Though these explanations may be some sort of confabulation, it is not an unreasonable first guess to think that these environmental factors actually had the power that the speakers attribute to them – the power to cause people to become comfortable with the scientific facts of human existence.

All of this suggests that the person who has come to desire that he be loved by a super-ghost learned that desire.

The 'Ought' of Desire

Desire utilitarianism states that if a particular desire is malleable – if the strength or even existence of a desire can be molded through social custom – we then have reason to ask if we should promote or inhibit that desire. Desires themselves are the only reasons for action that exist – so they are the only ‘reasons for action’ that are relevant in answering this question. Does a desire to be the centers of cosmic attention or the desire to be loved by a super-ghost constitute a good desire that we have many and strong reasons to promote, or a bad desire that we have many and strong reasons to inhibit?

One major problem with promoting such a desire is that it is a desire that can never be fulfilled. A “desire that ‘P’” is fulfilled in any state of affairs in which ‘P’ is true. A desire to be loved by a super-ghost can only be fulfilled in a state where the proposition, “I am loved by a super-ghost” is true. Whether a proposition is or can be true does not depend on how badly people may want it to be true. In this case, the proposition, “I am loved by a super-ghost” can never be true, because no such super-ghost exists.

Okay, it is true that I cannot prove that this super-ghost exists. However, I can prove that a super-ghost who hates an individual is just as likely as a super-ghost who likes an individual. And a super-ghost who loves an individual who is particularly cruel and clever is just as likely as a super-ghost with a fondness for people who are kind and charitable. There are an infinite number of super-ghost possibilities, which means that the odds of any person being right about the nature of any super-ghost is (1/infinity) – or (for all practical purposes), zero.

Since the desire to be loved by a super-ghost can never be fulfilled, the only thing that an agent can hope for is that the desire will be satisfied.

I have not talked about satisfaction much in the context of desire utilitarianism, but it does have an important role to play. Recall that a “desire that ‘P’” is fulfilled in any state of affairs where P is made or kept true. On the other hand, a person experiences satisfaction in any state of affairs where he or she believes that P is true. Satisfaction is a psychological state – like pleasure or happiness – that is felt.

A person with a “desire that ‘P’” where P can never be true cannot have his desire fulfilled. However, he can still obtain satisfaction – obtain a jolt of pleasure – from believing that P is true, as long as he can be convinced. However, satisfaction in these cases requires a false belief. They require that the agent live a lie – live in a fantasy – where he thinks that something is true when it is not true in fact.

Living a lie means suppressing any love of discovery or love of truth. Any love of discovery or of truth will reveal the lie and destroy the satisfaction that results.

However, this love of discovery and love of truth have important values themselves. We aim to fulfill our desires, and seek satisfaction instead of fulfillment only when (we believe) that fulfillment is not possible. To fulfill our desires we need true beliefs – and the more true beliefs we have, the more desires we can fulfill. We have reason to want to be surrounded by truth. One way to get this is to promote a love of truth and intellectual responsibility in oneself and others. A love of truth, however, will threaten the satisfaction we achieve by believing we are loved by a super-ghost.

Side Effects

As it turns out, the set of beliefs that are associated with the claim, "Humans are the center of cosmic attention," come with a number of other false beliefs and desires that are harmful to others. Those who deceive themselves into believing that they are the center of cosmic attention also deceive themselves into thinking that they may act in ways harmful to homosexuals, those who can benefit from stem-cell research, and those who do not deceive themselves.

These relationships between the belief, “I am loved by a super-ghost” and these other beliefs are contingent. Nothing in nature requires that they be connected. As such, it is possible (however unlikely) that a person can have a desire to be loved by a super ghost and a willingness to help the homeless, to tell the truth, and to seek new discoveries. It just happens to be the case that those who desire that they be loved by God do not value these things. Instead, they value things that make them a threat to the well-being of others.

Contingent facts are still facts. Unnecessary and unjustified harms are still harms.

The Evolution Example

I would like to illustrate some of my points with a discussion of religion.

People are upset over the idea that humans are ‘mere animals’. They have a “desire that ‘P’” for some proposition P that humans be something more than pure animals who came about without conscious intent or design. This is clearly one of their desires, but it is a desire that cannot be fulfilled. As a matter of fact, humans are a product of evolution, and a desire that this not be the case does not prevent it from being true. At best, those who have this desire can obtain the psychological jolt of satisfaction that comes from believing we did not evolve, if they can deceive themselves or allow others to deceive them into believing such a thing.

We have good reason to believe that this desire that humans are manufactured entities is learned – because a lot of us do not have this desire. There are a lot of us who have no aversion to a state of affairs in which humans are the products of evolution – which means that many of us can have no aversion to a state where humans are the product of evolution. There is no better evidence that something can be the case than to discover that it is the case.

So this aversion to being products of evolution is not innate, it is learned. Those who have this aversion were taught to have this aversion. It is not natural. It is not innate.

One of the effects of teaching a child to have an aversion to being an evolved being is to create a child that cannot obtain satisfaction in the real world. It creates a child who can only obtain satisfaction in a fictional world – in a state where she had been made to believe a fiction.

A worse effect is that those who are taught to believe this fiction tend to follow it with other fictions – fictions that make the individual a threat to the lives and well-being of others. These are fictions that make them a threat to homosexuals seeking to live a fulfilling life, and to those who can benefit from stem-cell research, just to name two common examples. Those who are harmed by these people have good reason to protest those who raise their children to be a threat to the well-being of others.

Additional Implications

If somebody acquires a bad belief, all else being equal, they can typically be reasoned out of it. The most serious exception to this comes when the agent is also given a particular affection for that belief, or a desire for states of affairs in which that belief is true. Once that desire is attached to a belief, then agents have an annoying tendency to hold onto such belief in the absence of all evidence to the contrary. Giving up the belief is just too painful, once it has a sufficiently strong desire attached to it.

All of the reason in the world will not cause a desire to go away.

You can take a smoker and explain to him how bad smoking is. He can even agree that smoking will put at risk many of the things he desires, and from these he may acquire sufficient reasons for action to quit smoking. But the desire to smoke is still there, tearing at him, driving him to another cigarette.

You can take a person with an aversion to being an evolved creature and give them all sorts of reasons to believe that we are an evolved creature. He may even be able to see the reasons and accept them as sound. However, no amount of reason can touch his aversion at being an evolved creature. The pain and frustration of recognizing that one is in a state that one has been taught to hate being in is real. It is a powerful force driving the person to give up those beliefs, and to at least obtain the satisfaction that comes from believing a lie.

This is why reason seems to have so little effect on such people. Theirs is not a defect of belief, which is subject to the power of reason. Theirs is a defect of desire, which reason cannot touch. It is a defect of desire that was given to them. Allegedly, the culprits in this case were people who thought they were doing the right thing. In fact, the child was victimized by somebody who made him into a person who cannot be happy in the real world – whose happiness will depend on believing a lie. Worse, it requires believing a lie that comes with other beliefs that make the child a threat to others.

This is not a situation that people with good desires – desires consistent with the real world and with the fulfillment of other desires – have any reason to perpetuate and protect.

Thursday, January 25, 2007

Unhealthy Lifestyles and Universal Health Care

I must confess that I am torn on the issue of a universal health care, or access to cheap medical care.

The main question that I have rests on the fact that many health problems are caused by lifestyle choices. Alcohol, tobacco, drug use, over eating, lack of exercise, unsafe sex, dangerous hobbies or professions (such as football player), are some of the lifestyle choices that put people in need of medical care.

My question is, why should I have to pay for somebody else’s choices?

I do not want to outlaw these options. I am very much in favor of allowing people to live the types of lives in which they find the most value . . . as long as they do not harm other people. The problem with universal health care is that they turn private lifestyle choices into choices that harm other people – by forcing others to cough up the money to cover the medical bills.

Who Pays?

With universal health care, the claim that “I am not hurting anybody else” becomes a lie whenever that person does something that puts his health at risk. If you plan on sending me the bill to pay for the consequences of those actions, then your actions affect me. They harm me – in the same way an embezzler who breaks into my bank account and siphons money harms me. I will almost certainly have other things that I will want to do with that money.

The situation is much like the one I described in an earlier post on China’s anti-satellite test. That was another instance where a right to do what one pleases crossed a moral line by violating the principle, “As long as you do not harm others.”

I compared that situation to one in which a person walks into a restaurant and orders a meal. When it comes time to pay, he uses a debit card that takes the money from somebody else’s account. We can assume that the card is random – that it just takes the money out of some random account somewhere.

Because he is not buying his own meal, it is reasonable to expect that he will eat out more often, in more expensive places, and order far more than he needs, simply because he does not suffer the cost of his overindulgences. If, instead, he were forced to pay for his meals out of his own pocket, he would spend the money more wisely.

By comparison, those with unhealthy or dangerous lifestyles are also making choices that they might not have made if they were forced to suffer all of the costs of their actions, and were not permitted to charge those costs off of somebody else’s (anybody else’s) account.

By creating this subsidy for unhealthy and dangerous choices, this policy would make the world worse than it would have otherwise been. The man who can buy whatever food he wants and charge it to some random account is quite often not going to get as much fulfillment from the meal as the person would have gotten from the money taken to pay for the meal. The victim is made worse off to a greater degree than the culprit is made better off.

One might want to argue that, in the case of universal health care, the cost of the care is irrelevant. The poor health effects alone would be enough of a disincentive to keep people from performing these types of actions to the degree that it was possible to dissuade them. If somebody does not care about their health, then they are certainly not going to care about the costs.

I deny that this is true. People always act to fulfill the more and the stronger of their desires, given their beliefs. Having each person pay their own medical expenses adds additional desire-thwarting potential to these lifestyle choices. As a result, there will be some measure of reduced demand for these options. The amount of reduction is open to question, but the fact of reduction seems quite likely.

More importantly, the fact that the agent does not care about the financial cost of his choices still does not give him the right to send me the bill. A person who wants an indoor swimming pool who is willing to pay any cost does not gain from his keen desire the right to send me the bill for its construction.

If I am going to be given the bill to pay for these types of choices, then I reserve the right to have a voice in what they choose - a right to veto the most expensive (to me) options. If the costs come out of their own bank account, then its their money and I have no say in the matter. If the costs come out of my bank account, then I have a right to a say in the matter.

A Possible Solution – Supplemental Insurance

One option for dealing with these types of cases is to require that people purchase (if they can afford it) separate insurance to handle the expenses of lifestyle choices. There will still be people who will not be able to afford this insurance. However, the choice for them is to not engage in lifestyle choices that they cannot afford. These people should not drink, smoke, overeat, or engage in risky past-times unless they can afford to cover the potential medical expenses that may come from these options.

This is not an ideal solution. It would be difficult to determine which illnesses are caused by lifestyle choices. Furthermore, we would have to suspect that many doctors would be guilty of corruption and fraud if, by classifying an illness as non-lifestyle, they can get medical care for patients who would otherwise not be able to afford it. Furthermore, we will still have to deal with those who make poor lifestyle choices without the means to pay for them. What do we do with these? Let them die in the street?

This is not a knock-down argument. If we only permitted ideal solutions then we would never permit anything. Even with these problems, it is possible that the potential benefit is greater than any other alternative (which has even greater problems). We can do nothing but go with the best option available.

A Possible Solution – Tax Risky Options

Another possible solution is to put a tax on those goods and services that tend to result in increased health risks. This includes alcohol, tobacco, candy, junk food, fast food, gasoline (because people drive too much), businesses that involve increased customer risk such as skiing, and businesses that have risky jobs (as an incentive to find safer options).

It is hard to find something to tax that is related to all forms of risky activity. For example, I cannot think of a tax that could be levied to provide a disincentive to engage in unsafe sex. Yet, the fact that it is difficult to provide an examples in all cases does not argue against using the health care tax where contributors to higher health care needs can be identified.

That tax would have two effects. One is that it will raise revenue to help pay the costs of universal health care. The other is that it will lower the demand for these lifestyle choices, resulting in a healthier population, which will lower the demand for health care services.

Nothing in this prevents somebody from buying an occasional hamburger or pizza. However, the more one buys into a risky lifestyle, the more money they pay. This is only fair. The more one buys into a risky lifestyle, the more likely it will become that the agent would have need for those medical services he has already paid for.

Of course, the rich will be able to afford more options than the poor. However, this is nothing new. Everywhere, rich people can afford to live in a way that those who are not so rich cannot afford.

Punishment

If there were ever a national debate on such a policy, I would expect those who engage in these lifestyles to complain that they are being punished for their lifestyle choices – and nobody has the right to condemn and punish the private choices of another.

These people would be missing the point. This argument would be like saying that, after you stole my credit card, that my act of calling the credit card company and canceling the card would be an act of ‘punishment’ that I had no right to inflict on you.

In this case, I hasten to remind you, you are using my credit card and drawing money on my account. I am not punishing you by denying you access to my bank account. It’s my money, and you have no right to it.

Similarly, these taxes are not punishment. They are simply ways of collecting money to pay for the medical care that one’s lifestyle choices will likely create. It is more fair than forcing others, who have kept themselves healthy, to pay for the health care costs of those who have not taken care of themselves.

Lobbying

I do not expect that these points will actually make it into practice. Those who market fast food, candy, tobacco, alcohol, and other goods and services that increase health risks will lobby against such a provision - and they have more money than I do.

Yet, their arguments will be morally bankrupt, regardless of whether they are politically successful. For decades, the political power of the Southern states were sufficient to protect the institution of slavery. After the civil war, they were able to establish and maintain a set of Jim Crowe laws and a standard of “separate but equal” that was certainly separate and nowhere near to equal. However, political power does not translate into moral virtue.

For all practical purposes, the subsidies that universal health care will provide to capitalists involved in promoting unhealthy choices is one that allows wealthy businessmen to line their pockets with hundreds of millions of dollars by doing hundreds of billions of dollars of damage to others. They destroy far more than they create, and even far more than they take. They make the world worse off and, in the process, redistribute wealth and (more importantly) well-being away from those who can least afford it and to those who least need it.

Political success does not prevent this description from being accurate.

Perhaps there is a chance, however small, that the leaders of some of these companies can grow enough conscience to say, “I would not like having other people charging meals off of my bank account without my consent; I should not be taken money out of other people’s account – particularly to subsidize an industry of making people fat and sickly.”

Wednesday, January 24, 2007

Evidence-Based Thinking about Earth's Future

I suppose it makes sense that, if a group of people throw out evidence-based thinking as the Devil’s work, then they are not going to have much need for evidence – or much need for spend time and effort collecting data – on which to base one’s beliefs.

In an article titled “Report Urges Reinvestment in Earth Observation Missions”, Brian Berger discusses a National Academy of Sciences report on the status of earth-monitoring satellite missions.

In that report, the National Academy of Sciences states that a number of Earth-monitoring satellites are already working beyond their design specifications, are due to fail in the next few years, with very few missions under development to replace them. The result will be serious gaps in our ability to monitor the Earth unless steps are taken to reverse this trend.

The Moral Bankruptcy of Current Policy

The situation over the past six years has been as if the Bush Administration believes that collecting data on the Earth is a waste of time.

We can speculate on the possible reasons for this.

(1) President Bush thinks that he already knows and understand that the Earth is far too big for us humans to be having any effect on it, so this data is for entertainment purposes only - and he is not entertained.

(2) This data has no short-term value because there is nothing we can do with it in the short run, and it is of no long-term value because Jesus is on his way and will drastically alter our situation on Earth in ways that will make the data irrelevant.

(3) God will take care of us, so we do not have to worry about these things.

(4) For all practical purposes, President Bush wishes to fulfill the interests of political supporters who do not want us to have this data. Those interests need to cover up one of the most morally horrendous crimes in human history – one in which these interests seek to gain tens of billions of dollars in profit by actions that do tens of trillions of dollars with of harm to others.

We can guess as to Bush’s actual motivation for the decisions he has made. That guess would have to square with the fact that Bush is eager to spend $104 billion as a first step to building a lunar outpost and to bring the rest of the solar system into Earth’s (America’s) economic sphere.

Whatever happens to be the case for Bush himself, each of these four reasons still holds sway over different parts of the population. Each of these reasons has contributed its measure of political force to promote ignorance on issues of earth science, and to suppress data that would be useful to wise decision making. Each of these reasons identifies a group of people who, through foolish intellectual recklessness or personal greed, has decided to act in ways that threaten the lives and well-being of countless other people, and could perhaps put the future of the human race at risk.

Each of these reasons represents a group of people that we have reason to target with moral outrage proportional to that which we would give any person who foolishly or selfishly creates such great risk for others.

Considerations Favoring the National Academy Recommendations

Regardless of the motivation, the fact remains. There are currently 29 Earth-monitoring satellite missions as a part of a buildup supported by the previous (Clinton/Gore) administration. Unless the Administration reverses its course on these types of activities, there will be 7 earth-monitoring missions by 2017.

To counter this, the National Academy of Sciences is urging the development of 17 new missions.

Why should we do this?

Risk and Benefit

I would like to start with some basic risk analysis. What is it worth to do this research?

The standard formula for determining the payoff of an investment – or how much one should contribute to a particular course of action, is:

Value = (Risk * Payoff)

So, if a particular gamble has a 10% chance of paying $100,000, then this gamble is worth $10,000. That is how much a rational person should pay.

We now have good evidence that earth-monitoring satellites have the potential to save us trillions of dollars and hundreds of millions of lives. These are the potential costs of human activity on the environment. If there is a one percent chance that this investment could help us to avoid $10 trillion in costs, then the investment is worth $100 billion.

The National Academy recommendations call for $3 billion per year for 10 years – or $30 billion - an increase of $5 billion over the current budget. (Note: I am excluding complexities such as ‘net present value’ because they cloud the main issue – much like a physicist will assume massless strings and frictionless surfaces in order to focus on the fundamental forces he is trying to explain.)

There is every reason to expect that this data will help us to direct global environmental policy in ways that will avoid tens of trillions of dollars in costs. Thus, it is worth the investment.

There is also a direct payoff to this type of research. We have reason to promote a love of knowledge for its own sake – to cause people to love to learn things simply for the joy of learning. We can compare the person who finds pleasure attending a lecture at a planetarium discussing the findings of a probe, compared to his identical twin brother spending the day watching football. Of the two, we have reason to encourage our neighbors to be more like the first person and less like the second. We have reason to wish to be surrounded by people who love learning for the sake of learning.

The Hubble Telescope, for example, has not provided us with much in the way of economic benefit. Yet, there is reason to believe that it has provided us with a great deal of value with what it has shown us of the universe. By comparison, the movie industry does not provide us with products that are very useful, but they do provide us with products that fulfill desires directly, and in this they have value.

Earth-monitoring research can also fulfill desires directly, independent of the economic value that the knowledge provides. Furthermore, those desires can themselves be considered better than the desires fulfilled by most movies.

The Free Rider

Government programs are notoriously wasteful, because there is no incentive to keep the program within parameters that are ‘profitable’ (that generate more benefits than costs). For this reason, there is an argument for doing things in the private sector rather than the public, unless there is reason to believe that the private sector will also be inefficient.

One causes of private sector inefficiency is the Free Rider Problem. This is a problem that prevents the person or company that provides a good from collecting revenue, because others can freely take those goods and use them. The creator has no power to exclude those who do not pay.

For example, there is no market for national defense because there is no way for a private organization to offer this type of defense only to those who pay. So, this becomes a good for the government to provide.

As a quick aside, I would like to take a paragraph to suggest that the government has a number of options in determining ways to provide for these public goods. I would like to repeat an earlier call that NASA get out of the business of running missions, and get into the business of offering to pay any company that can provide it with the data it seeks. This type of activity will result in a “space race” of organizations trying to find ways to give NASA the data it was willing to buy at the lowest price.

The Political Situation

President Bush will be submitting his recommendations to Congress for future NASA spending in February. It is worth hoping, but almost certainly too much to expect, that the Bush Administration will discover the value of evidence-based decision making and fund earth-monitoring research that will allow us to make evidence-based decisions affecting our planet. Because of Bush's failure, it will take an act of Congress, capable of getting past a Presidential veto (or overridden if such a veto I cast) to get the necessary funding.

It means beating back the intellectually reckless or viciously selfish groups who would argue against such spending. However, this is a cloud with a silver lining. This effort could serve to remind people that intellectually reckless pursuits are deadly – that they will cost your sons and your daughters to suffer needlessly in a world made worse off by those who built real-world policy on fantasies and fairy tails.

Of course, no lesson can be taught if people are too timid to teach it. This is a topic for the water-cooler at work, the email to friends, the casual discussion around the dinner table. It is an opportunity to teach others to accept the self-evident doctrine that smart real-world decisions require smart real-world evidence.

Those who shun evidence-based thinking and the collection of data on which intelligent decisions can be made are fools who do far more harm than good.

Tuesday, January 23, 2007

Christian Culture of Deception and Intellectual Recklessness

Why does it appear to be the case that those who most closely identify themselves with the religious right – the people who say that morality requires God and we cannot trust the atheist to do the right thing – so strongly embraces a culture of dishonesty and intellectual recklessness?

Recent news contained two stories that illustrate the thesis that the religious right give their trust and friendship to those who practice deliberate deception and intellectual recklessness. They seem to have little idea what intellectual honestly looks like, at least when dealing with their own members.

The Obama/Clinton Story

Crooks and Liars carried a posting on the claim that Democratic candidate Barack Obama attended a Muslim Madrassa (a school that specializes in the teaching of Muslim hate and violence to young children) when his family lived in Indonesia. The story originated in Insight Magazine (owned by the same company that owns the Washington Times) and was then picked up and retransmitted by several branches of the News Corp media empire including Fox News and the New York Post. It further alleged that the Hillary Clinton campaign was behind the story, having uncovered a fact that Obama was trying to keep hidden.

They also posted CNN’s investigation of this story, finding it to be entirely unsupported. They visited the school that Barack visited, finding it to be little different from a conventional American school. Class pictures taken from the time Obama attended there showed teachers in casual western-style wear and no signs of any intense focus on the Muslim religion at all – let alone the most violent and hate-filled parts of that religion. Even though most of the students who attended were Muslim, the school gave Christian students an opportunity to spend some time studying their own religion while the Muslim children attended separate classes. Obama, at that time, studied with the Christian students.

The Stem Cell Report

The site, “Lord J-Bar For Democracy, Not Theocracy” carried a posting called “More Lies from the White House” on the Stem Cell debate.

Here, the White House Domestic Policy Council released a report arguing that embryonic stem cell research was unnecessary because everything that scientists expect to gain from embryonic stem cells can be gained using other techniques that do not destroy embryos. However, its claims are built on unrepeated scientific research that scarcely supports the broad claims the Domestic Policy Council claims and whose conclusions are largely rejected by the scientific community.

More to the point, the same White House that so easily and unashamedly accepts the weakest possible scientific claims suggesting that embryonic stem cell research is unnecessary also rejects research on global warming that has massive empirical support and the acceptance of the vast majority of the scientific community. It is difficult to find any pattern to the type of research that the White House uses in evaluating scientific claims other than, “Science that yields conclusions we like is good science and will be considered brilliant even if on the weakest empirical claims and reasoning; science that yields conclusions we do not like is bad science that will be rejected regardless of the degree of corroboration and confirmation available.”

Absent a Love of Truth or Intellectual Responsibility

Even the Christian religion has a commandment against bearing false witness against others. Yet, it seems that those who are the most vocal in asserting their Christian identity, and the most vocal in condemning non-Christians for their lack of a moral base, are also the most willing to bear false witness and engage in intellectual recklessness that threatens to contribute to the maiming and killing of hundreds of millions of people.

Christians defend this prohibition against bearing false witness as a commandment. I defend it on the grounds that we have several strong reasons to promote an aversion to bearing false witness. Promoting such an aversion among the population as a whole would help in the fulfillment of other desires. These many strong reasons to promote an aversion to bearing false witness do not depend in any way on the existence of a God. Those reasons give us reason to praise and to reward those who tell the truth even when it otherwise harms their interests; and to condemn and punish those who use deception and who ‘bear false witness’ against others as a way of promoting their interests.

So, we have this group of people who claim that their religion makes them more virtuous than others, who claim to have a true devotion to that which is right and a true contempt with that which is wrong, who ally themselves with ‘bearing false witness’ and intellectual recklessness threatening hundreds of millions of lives without the slightest hint of guilt or shame. It is as if they believe that God’s commandments do not apply to those who believe in God. Only the heathen and infidel is prohibited from bearing false witness and threatening the lives of hundreds of millions of people. Believers can do whatever they please.

Two months before the 2004 Presidential election, CBS News ran a story where they claimed to have uncovered memos critical of President Bush’s service as a member of the National Guard. Later, it was discovered that the papers were forgeries, and that CBS News had not authenticated the papers before reporting on their contents. This was a huge embarrassment for CBS, which issued an apology, fired four members of its staff who were responsible for the error getting on the news, and renewed their efforts to make sure that their reports were accurate.

We cannot expect the same thing to happen at Fox News or the New York Post regarding the Obama story, or the White House Office of Domestic Policy in the case of the stem cell papers.

It is not unreasonable to expect that the reason for this difference is because CBS serves a culture that finds “bearing false witness” and irresponsible and reckless reporting to demand some level of moral outrage, who assigns responsibility for wrongful acts and punishes the wrongdoers accordingly.

Fox News, the New York Post, and the White House, on the other hand, belong to a culture of deception and intellectual recklessness that views intellectual responsibility itself as a moral crime and are more likely to punish the honest and careful researcher while rewarding the dishonest propagandist.

The Perpetrators and Their Assistants

So far, I have focused attention on the perpetrators themselves – the intellectually reckless and the bearers of false witness. Yet, blame needs to be cast far wider than this.

We live in a culture soaked in lies and deception for the same reason that the people in Baghdad live in a sea of bombs and other forms of murder. This happens because the people as a whole, and the culture they adopt, have decided to embrace and reward those who practice these arts of deception and intellectual recklessness in this country, of bombing and murder in Iraq, whenever the perpetrators claim to be one of ‘us’ who are inflicting these wrongs on ‘them’.

We are constantly being told that America is a Christian nation. There is one sense in which this is correct. Most people in this country are Christian, and the values that this country follows are those that Christians find easy to accept.

We are a Christian nation, in that the Christian culture is a culture that embraces lies, bearing false witness, and intellectual recklessness as cultural icons, advancing and promoting these art forms at every opportunity, particularly when they are useful in gaining political and economic control over others.

The proof is easy to see. If it were not the fact that this was a Christian nation, and those Christians endorsed deception, bearing false witness, and intellectual recklessness as cultural ideals to be promoted and defended, people in the Bush Administration and on Fox News and other Conservative outlets would be out of a job today, or in the near future. These are the things that people do when they hold to a moral standard, and decide to hold people personally responsible for violating that standard. These are the things that the religious right – at least that arm of it that embraces the White House and Fox News, will not do.

Monday, January 22, 2007

Space Debris and the Chinese Anti-Satellite Test

You’re walking with your family down a street early on a Sunday morning. It’s not very crowded. There are a few other early risers about. Then, this guy steps out from an alley, throws a ball into the air, takes his shot gun, and shoots at it.

He’s using the tennis ball for target practice, and is not taking any care as to what might be on the other side of the ball. He is a lot like Dick Cheney hunting birds – not overly concerned with what might be standing in the direction of where he might be shooting. Only, the two cases would be similar if Dick Cheney had said in advance to his hunting companions, “You had better watch out. If I get a shot I’m taking it, and if you’re in the line of fire, so much the worse for you.”

The incident that I am referring to is a Chinese test to destroy a satellite in orbit.

Moral Responsibility for Creating Risk

I condemned Cheney for the moral irresponsibility of his hunting accident. A hunter has an obligation to know where his shells will land after he fires his gun. If he does not know, he is in the wrong.

This destruction of a space satellite is orders of magnitude worse than Cheney’s hunting accident.

Cheney’s shotgun fired a small hand full of pellets at a velocity of about 1300 feet per second. If they had not hit his friend (or the bird) they would have been rendered harmless in just a few seconds.

Debris

China’s test created two debris clouds (one associated with the attack craft, and one associated with the satellite that was hit) with mass equal to that of both satellites, traveling at a velocity of about 25,000 feet per second. As reported in the Center for Defense Information fact sheet on space debris

Even tiny pieces of debris can damage or destroy satellites, the Space Shuttle, the ISS, or penetrate astronaut suits. Debris in LEO travel at 10 times the speed of a rifle bullet; a marble-sized bit of junk would slam into a satellite with the energy equal to a 1-ton safe hitting the ground if dropped from a five-story building. Indeed, a tiny paint fleck put a pit in the window of the Challenger Space Shuttle during Sally Ride’s historic first mission.

This same report also states:

NASA data shows a current risk of a “catastrophic” debris strike to the Shuttle of 1 in 200. By comparison, the lifetime risk of a U.S. citizen dying in a car accident is about 1 in 100; the risk of dying in an attack with a firearm, about 1 in 325; the risk of dying in a fire, about 1 in 1,116.

These figures are just for the Shuttle. Add the Intentional Space Station, and any private plans to put people into space for research, tourism, or the use of space resources to try to take some of the strain and risk off of Earth’s ecosystems, and it becomes apparent that these people are creating a serious hazard.

Of course, China is not the only culprit in this crime. The former Soviet Union put satellites and spent boosters into orbit that tended to blow up as they decayed. The United States has conducted its own anti-satellite weapons test that left their own debris fields circling the earth.

It seems that moral irresponsibility in these matters is an international standard.

Knowingly Causing Harm

Scholars recognize four levels of culpability when it comes to moral wrongdoing. A person intentionally kills another if he grabs a gun and aims it and kills another. He knowingly kills another if he shoots a gun in order to kill a bird, knowing that it will kill the person on whose nose the bird id perched. He is reckless if he knows that his actions increase the chance that others will die, and negligently kills others if a reasonable person would have known that such an action could cause death.

Cheney’s hunting accident was a case of recklessness wrongdoing. I am assuming that he was aware of the fact that somebody who pulls the trigger of a gun when it is pointing at somebody else would do harm. His act was not negligent because he would not have likely been surprised to discover that his sport was dangerous.

China’s moral crime is one of knowingly doing wrong – of creating a risk to others under circumstances where there is no doubt but that they knew of the risk, and did not care.

One of these days, we are going to have an astronaut on a space walk suddenly experience the effects of a marble-sized one-ton safe hitting him. When that happens, there will be somebody far more careless and irresponsible than Cheney responsible for that death.

Externalities and Compensation

Ultimately, this type of activity counts as a new form of pollution. People who engage in these types of activities are creating “negative externalities” for others.

It’s a bit like walking into a restaurant, ordering a fine meal, and paying for it on a stolen credit card. China (following an example set by other space faring countries) bought its satellite demonstration using a credit card that will some day send a bill – in the form of a screw or shard of metal – flying through somebody’s body at over 17,000 miles per hour.

Whenever somebody is allowed to take some good for free, they inevitably take far more of it than they need. They end up making the world a worse place than it would otherwise be, because what they take from others is worth far more to them than the it is to the person who takes it. If the thief has to actually pay for what he takes, he would soon discover that he values the object less than what he would have to pay to purchase it honestly.

Similarly, if people were forced somehow to pay for the orbital pollution they create – pay enough to compensate others who they put at risk of harm – they would likely discover that the risks they create really are not worth the benefits they receive. They will almost certainly discover ways to reduce the risk, in order to reduce their bill. This, in turn, will put a barrier against the incentives that are causing them to make the world worse than it would otherwise be.

Accepting Responsibility

From here, it seems natural to go on to talk about a need for a treaty or some sort of international contract that says that countries will pay some fee or fine when they create a debris field. The money would somehow go into some fund that would then be used to offset the costs of these debris fields – the extra money that must be spent on hardening spacecraft against collision and the eventual, inevitable death of an astronaut.

However, a person (or a country) does not need to have a law to act in a morally responsible manner. A morally responsible slave owner did not need to wait for the Emancipation Proclamation to free his slaves – he could have done the right thing the instant he recognized what it was. The person who hits a parked car at night, where there are no witnesses, may be able to drive off and never get caught. Or he could accept responsibility for his actions and take steps to compensate those who he has harmed.

A nation can do the same thing.

A nation that tries to get away with doing harm to others just because it can has the moral character of a hit man, killing for profit. It is a simple matter for a government to admit, “Our actions create costs for others. We accept responsibility for the potential harm our acts may cause, and take the following actions as acknowledgement of that responsibility.” An appropriate response would be to quite voluntarily establish a fund to compensate any future person or organization that suffers physical damage or costs as a result of this space debris.

Addendum

There may be more at stake here than just the loss of a few astronauts or catastrophic damage to some orbiting habitats and satellites. As I have written in the past, we live in a universe that is indifferent to our survival. Whether (and for how long) we survive as a species depends on the choices we make.

One option that would significantly increase our odds of survival as a species is to of those choices is to put an end to this state where we keep all of our eggs in one planetary basket. As a solar-system wide species, we can survive any calamity that may befall Earth.

Instead, we are creating a situation where we may be confined to the Earth because we surrounded ourselves with a debris field that is too risky to live in. These are human actions – human foolishness at work.

Sunday, January 21, 2007

The Duties of a Soldier

I have a question from the mail bag, relevant to current news that Bush plans to send additional troops to Iraq.

To paraphrase the letter: Assuming that an individual joined the military because he believed that his leaders would only have him fight for just causes, what should a soldier do if he believes that he is being ordered to do something that is unjust?

The writer remarked that he should obviously refuse an order to slay a bunch of children. However, he also correctly pointed out that there would be serious problems if soldiers were permitted to refuse any order that caused them any moral qualms at all.

As it turns out, even permission to refuse orders that could maim and kill children would cause problems. Military actions in the modern age inherently create ‘collateral damage’. (Note: This was less of a problem back in the days when you actually had to stab somebody.)

Not Just the Military

I want to note that this is not just a problem for soldiers. Many professions require that people sacrifice a certain degree of moral autonomy.

Police officers, for example, cannot pick and choose which laws to enforce. Judges, as well, must follow guidelines handed down by the legislature – even when they feel that the law or its particular application is unjust.

Many of this nation’s early Presidents took an oath to protect and defend the Constitution of the United States – even when that Constitution protected slavery.

The law may even require private citizens to make a choice between obedience and injustice – such as the fugitive slave laws that made it mandatory to report any information one may acquire on the whereabouts of an escaped slave. Another set of famous examples involves Nazi laws that required citizens, even those not in uniform, to participate in the Holocaust by making the failure to report certain pieces of information a crime.

So, we are dealing with a somewhat larger issue than soldiers in the military.

Utilitarian Considerations

As the letter writer pointed out, we have many good reasons (many strong and powerful reasons for action – desires – exist) recommending that we not have institutions where people unquestioningly follow people in authority no matter what those people in authority command.

We are well aware of the possibility that people in authority are not always noble people. They are prone to use their power to promote their own interests at the expense of others. Because of the nature of their position, their abuses tend to result in horrendous evils. That is to say, the private evil of a serial killer is insignificant compared to the harms of an evil political or military leader.

To prevent these evils (and we all have reason to seek to prevent these evils) we need to place checks and balances on unlimited power. One of those checks and balances is to tell our neighbors, “Serve the leader as long as he is fair and just, but do not serve him blindly. If he becomes a despotic tyrant, side with us – your neighbors – over him.)

Efficiency of Command Systems

On the other hand, command systems can be exceptionally efficient. When they are used as a tool to fulfill desires, they can do a great deal of good.

We can see an example of this in the primitive hunt. A hunt will tend to go a lot further if there is not a great deal of debate during the hunt as to who does what and when. The time for debate is either before the hunt (to come up with the best plan) or after the hunt (to use the data from the experience to modify techniques) – not during the hunt. Even if a hunter thinks that the leader is making a mistake, it is better to follow the leader during the hunt and discuss the failure later, then to disrupt the hunt with questions and debate. This is all the more prevalent in military actions, where one must coordinate the activities of even more men in even more complex and chaotic situations.

Of course, whether this coordination ultimately tends towards good or tends towards evil depends on what the coordinators are trying to do. If they are trying to exterminate all of the Jews, this coordination may allow them to do so more efficiently, but it does not make the activity right.

Reasonable Doubt

In many cases in ethics, we employ the joint doctrines of ‘assumption’ and ‘reasonable doubt’ to take care of these types of cases. The accused gains the benefit of an ‘assumption’ that he is innocent unless he can be proved guilty beyond a ‘reasonable doubt’. Speech is presumed to be protected unless compelling it can be shown that there are compelling state interests in prohibiting certain speech, such as the publication of military secrets or prohibitions against using somebody’s likeness to sell a product without that person’s permission.

The same doctrine of “reasonable doubt” seems useful when it comes to obeying orders as well. In these cases, and individual who is working for an institution such as the military or law enforcement should be willing to admit that he or she probably does not see “the whole picture”. In some cases, this simply involves a lack of access to the relevant data. Division headquarters knows things that the company commander does not know. The legislature in a substantially just society spent its time doing research and listening to experts when it came to designing legislation that the cop and the judge had no time to collect or evaluate. This argues for giving the decision makers (commanding officers and legislators) the benefit of the doubt.

This assumption is not unquestioning obedience. Where it can be shown beyond a reasonable doubt that the legislators or superior commanders are basing decisions on something other than the welfare of the public at large, there may be grounds for a complaint. It is not up to the decision makers to justify their actions. There is often not time or opportunity to do so. However, if evidence beyond a reasonable doubt suggests a less-than-honorable motive with innocent victims being made to suffer, the standard of “reasonable doubt” that the order was morally legitimate can be met.

Love of the Institution

Still, there are a great many times where the ‘reasonable doubt’ standard falls short. There are times when a soldier, judge, cop, or private citizen can know that a law is unjust beyond a reasonable doubt and still be compelled to help to enforce it.

The second issue that make this possible is a love for the institution itself, where the institution has proven itself reliable at promoting the public welfare. Judges, following the law as written, help to keep the legal system and its enforcement uniform and predictable. This uniformity tends to promote desires. So, a devotion to the institution can outweigh the aversion to do harm to the institution in those few instances where it promotes injustice instead of justice.

In these cases, there is still and opportunity – and even a duty – to speak up and say that the institution should be changed – but not destroyed. If the institutions are fair and just, giving people a desire to follow the rules and procedures of the institution will gend to fulfill desires – more so than if people had no interest at all in the decisions reached under an institution.

Levels of Punishment

Still, there will be times when this assumption that the institution has produced fair and impartial agents can be challenged, where the individual has reasonable doubt (and not just a hunch or a bad feeling) that he is being told to do something morally legitimate where the institution itself seems not to be interested in justice.

These cases are not always clear cut. There may well be irregularities and complications that make it reasonable to believe that one is being asked to perform a highly immoral act – or that the leaders of the institution lack moral scruples that would otherwise restrict how they would wield the power entrusted to them.

Against this possibility, a fair and just society would not restrict responses to narrowly defined options. Those who would determine punishment or reward should be given some flexibility to match the difficulty in knowing the right answer at times. It would be fundamentally unjust to allow only two options – complete freedom or execution. At times, a punishment of days or weeks will be best. This indicates that the agent was wrong, but not far wrong.

Strict guidelines in sentencing often ignore the fact that the distinction between rightful and wrongful acts, as well as different degrees of wrongfulness.

Conclusion

So, here you are. You are a soldier. You have been ordered to commit an act that you think is immoral.

First, you need to give your superior officers the benefit of the doubt. There is reason to give soldiers an aversion to disobeying a direct order. Such an aversion keeps the system running in a smooth and orderly manner.

Second, even if you know beyond a reasonable doubt that the acts that you have been ordered to perform are unreasonable and unjust, if the institution itself is fair and just and tends to promote good decisions on average, then there is a reason to promote a desire to uphold the institution.

If the institution can be shown to be basically fair and just.

Third, if this reasonable doubt tells one to disobey an order, then the system should recognize the need not to demand unquestioned obedience from those who serve within the institution. This argues against any draconian penalty for disobeying an order. If the defendant can make a good case in favor of his decision (or lack of a decision), then the institution itself should have the freedom to punish the behavior to a degree that is proportional to the offense.

All of this assumes, of course, that the institutions themselves are basically just and tend to promote the desires those who live under them. The situation becomes quite differentd when the institutions themselves tend towards tyranny and injustice.

What obligations did the Nazi soldier have to uphold and defend the Nazi regime?

I will have more to say on this topic in a future date.

Saturday, January 20, 2007

Promoting Desire Utilitarianism

If you are a regular reader of this blog, I want to call your attention particularly to this post. I want to address the most common misinterpretation of what I write. This interpretation comes from friends and foe alike.

From foe – particularly from common subjectivists - this misinterpretation often comes in the form of a challenge. “You cannot tell me why I should want to fulfill the desires of others. There is no objective reason compelling me to fulfill the desires of others, so your theory is as subjective as any other moral theory.”

From friends, I usually get this misinterpretation in the form of an email. “How do we establish desire utilitarianism? How do we get others to adopt this moral theory?”

Both sets of comments rest on a mistaken assumption. They assume that the point is to prescribe or recommend desire utilitarianism. This is wrong. Desire utilitarianism is a meta-theory that describes how prescription works. Desire utilitarianism can then be used to show why it then makes sense to prescribe such things as a love of knowledge, an aversion to (and presumption against) doing harm, an aversion to violations of privacy, an aversion to non-consenting interactions, and the like.

Desire Utilitarianism as a Descriptive Theory

Desire utilitarianism is a description of what is true of prescription. As such, desire utilitarianism is to be adopted or rejected on the same types of criteria that any other descriptive theory is to be accepted or rejected. Are the claims that desire utilitarianism make about prescription true or false?

For example:

All prescriptions are recommendations to bring about or avoid a particular state of affairs.

A prescription brings to bear the ‘reasons for action that exist’ that recommend bringing about or avoiding a state of affairs.

Desires are the only reasons for action that exist.

These are not moral claims. They are descriptions about what is true of the world.

I am not saying that desires are the only reasons for action worth paying attention to and that other reasons for action are inferior. I am saying that other reasons for action do not exist. They are not there. Those who claim that they exist are making things up.

So, when somebody challenges me by saying, “You cannot explain to me why we should be paying attention to these reasons for action and not those without using subjective language,” I answer that, “I am distinguishing between reasons for action that exist and those that do not exist – not between reasons for action (that exist) that we should be paying attention to versus reasons for action (that exist) that we should not be paying attention to. Paying attention to reasons for action that do not exist is nonsense. It is like saying, ‘There exists a reason for action that does not exist.’”

So, here is an example of a reason for action that does not exist.

An Example of Claiming Intrinsic Value

Somebody claims that it would be intrinsically bad if spotted owls become extinct. There is a ‘reason for action’ built into the very nature of the fact that spotted owls exist that tells us that we should act in ways to preserve this species.

My answer to that is that it is false. Intrinsic values do not exist. Consequently, anybody who claims, ‘There is a reason for action intrinsic to this particular state of affairs’ is making a false claim. He is making an objectively false claim.

What is really happening is that the speaker has a desire that the spotted owl species not go extinct. This desire that he has gives him a ‘reason for action’ to preserve the spotted owl species. One of the ways that he can preserve the spotted owl species is to cause in us a desire to preserve the spotted owl species and/or an aversion to those things that threaten the existence of the spotted owl species.

He can also try to convince us that, unbeknownst to us, the extinction of the spotted owl species will thwart desires that we already have. For example, he may tell us that the extinction of the spotted owl will result in the increase in the numbers of their prey. Those prey are desire-thwarting pests. Our aversion to the effects of these pests give some people reason to preserve the existence of the spotted owl – not only those who are averse to these effects, but those who care for those who are averse to these effects.

These types of arguments, according to desire utilitarianism, all make sense – because they relate the state of affairs of the spotted owl’s extinction to sets of desires. Of course, claims that relate the state of affairs in which lumberjacks are put out of work to a set of desires are also relevant.

What is not relevant are any claims relating states of affairs to reasons for action that do not exist, such as the intrinsic worth of the preservation of the spotted owl species.

The Value of a Desire

Desire utilitarianism then takes this fact that desires are the only reasons for action that exist and applies it to the question, “What is the value of a desire?”

Two common answers to this question are simply mistaken.

Answer 1: Some desires are simply, intrinsically better than others. The aversion to deception simply intrinsically good, and the desire to rape young children is simply intrinsically bad.

This is false. No such intrinsic value exists. There is no ‘reason for action’ intrinsic to the aversion to deception that is a reason to promote it. There is no ‘reason for action’ intrinsic to the desire to rape young children that is a reason to condemn it.

Answer 2: All desires have equal value. There is no sense in which we can say that one desire is ‘better’ than another. This would require a belief in intrinsic values. Intrinsic values do not exist. Therefore, it follows that all desires are of equal value.

Wrong again. The claim that there are no ‘reasons for action’ intrinsic to a desire does not imply that there are no ‘reasons for action’ for promoting a desire or inhibiting that desire. It simply states that the ‘reasons for action’ that exist are not intrinsic. They are extrinsic.

This would be like saying that, since the state that results from my sticking my hand into a vat of molten iron is not intrinsically worse than the state that results from keeping my hand out of molten iron, that the two states have the same value. It implies that I have no ‘reason for action’ for refraining from sticking my hand in molten iron. In fact, I have a very good ‘reason for action’ for refraining from sticking my hand in molten iron. That ‘reason for action’ is very real. It is as much a part of the real world as I am. It simply is not intrinsic to that particular state of affairs.

So, we need to answer the question, “What is the value of a desire?”

This is the same as the question, “Do reasons for action exist for promoting or inhibiting that desire.”

Yes, they do.

Desires exist. Desires are the only reasons for action that exist, but they do exist. Desires are our reasons for action for promoting certain desires and inhibit others.

An Act of Honesty versus a Desire to be Honest

So, somebody comes to me with the question: “How do I promote desire utilitarianism? How do I get other people to adopt this system?”

That is not a legitimate or even a sensible question. A legitimate and sensible question would be something like, “Should we be promoting an aversion to deception?” The person who asks this question is asking whether reasons for action exist that recommend acting to promote a widespread aversion to deception, and whether they are more and stronger than the reasons against promoting such an aversion. Here, we bring desire utilitarianism to bear on whether to promote such a widespread aversion.

Before I get into that subject, I need to distinguish this question from another question. “How do I convince an agent to tell the truth in this particular circumstance?” This is not a question about promoting a particular desire, but a question of getting somebody to perform a particular act.

At the level of action an agent will only perform that act that, given his beliefs, will fulfill the more and the stronger of his existing desires. At the level of action, all you have the power to do is to convince a person that an act of honesty will best fulfill his existing desires. If it turns out that dishonesty will best fulfill his desires, then unless you lie to him and convince him of things that are not true, then the simple fact of the matter is that he has more and stronger ‘reasons for action’ for lying than telling the truth.

If by ‘morality’ one is looking for a set of true beliefs that one can give a person that will cause him to tell the truth regardless of what he desires – even if he has only one desire and that desire is to lie to others - this type of ‘morality’ does not exist. That type of morality is not even coherent. The only thing that beliefs do is identify the means to the fulfillment of the more and stronger desires of an agent. True beliefs that cause an agent to act independent of his desires do not exist.

On the other hand, even though there is no set of true beliefs that you can give to all people that will cause them to be honest, it is possible to get a person to tell the truth, even when he otherwise would not, by promoting a desire to tell the truth or an aversion to deception. If a person has such a desire, then all you need to do is to tell a person, “That is a lie,” and you have demonstrated that it is something he has reason not to say.

If it is true that desires are the only reasons for action that exist, then it the desires that we have the most reason to promote are those that best fulfill the more and stronger of our desires. It is not the case that all desires are equal. Some desires (the aversion to lying) tend to fulfill other desires, while some desires (the desire to rape young children) tend to thwart other desires. Some desires we have reasons to promote; some we have reasons to inhibit. Some are virtues, and some are signs of great evil.

Morality is concerned with giving people those desires that we can cause them to have (because our minds are malleable) and which we have reason to cause them to have (because those desires fulfill other desires).

If we are asked why we should go through the effort of promoting a universal aversion to deception, we can now easily answer, “Are you nuts? An aversion to deception fulfills other desires. Those are the desires we have. The fulfillment of those desires that an aversion to deception would fulfill is the only ‘reasons for action’ we need to promote an aversion to deception.”

Reason does have a role to play in this. Reason identifies the means to fulfilling our desires. That is to say, reason identifies those desires that tend to fulfill other desires. However, that is the extent of the power of reason. Reason does not actually change those desires.

For example, you can reason with somebody, and even convince him, that his desire to smoke is putting the fulfillment of his other desires at risk. However, even after you have convinced a person that he would have been better off if he had not acquired a desire to smoke, he will still have a desire to smoke. There is no reason you can give him that will cause the desire to smoke ultimately disappear. That takes work.

Similarly, reason tells us that we have reasons for action for promoting an aversion to deception. But realizing this will not suddenly cause an aversion to deception to spring into existence. We still have to teach children the difference between right and wrong .

(See Obligations to Children: Teaching Right and Wrong.)

Friday, January 19, 2007

Beliefs and Moral Judgments

I have been accused (in the spirit of a civilized intellectual disagreement) of not giving proper weight to the importance of beliefs in behavior modification. I wish to answer that challenge by looking into the role of belief in ethics.

The Role of Belief

This blog is written on a foundation that uses the following formula to explain intentional action:

(Belief + desire) -> intention -> intentional action.

This equation shows that beliefs are a necessary part of intentional action. An agent that has desires but no beliefs will have no idea how to act so as to fulfill those desires. He will lay there and die without ever being able to answer the question, “What should I do?”

However, beliefs do not carry any moral weight. This is an ethics blog. As a result, the fact that beliefs carry no moral weight means I am not going to focus on them in defending moral conclusions.

The Cases

To see that moral evaluations track desires, rather than beliefs, consider the following set of cases.

Case 1: The woman desires to feed the infant. She believes that the bottle contains wholesome baby formula, and the bottle does contain good formula. She feeds the baby. The result is a nourished baby.

Case 2: The woman desires to feed the infant. She believes that the bottle contains good formula. However, the bottle contains poison. She gives the bottle to the baby, and the baby dies.

Case 3: The mother wants to feed the child. She believes that the formula has been poisoned. She is mistaken. However, because of her belief she does not feed the baby and it goes hungry.

Case 4: The mother wishes to feed the baby. She believes that the bottle has been poisoned. As it turns out, she was right. She refuses to feed the bottle to the baby. As a result, the baby is hungry, but alive.

Case 5: The mother wants to poison the child. She believes that the bottle contains wholesome baby formula and the bottle does, in fact, contain good formula. On the principle that a person must have a reason to perform an action, she does not feed the baby. The baby is hungry, but alive.

Case 6: The mother wants to poison the child. She believes that the bottle contains good formula, though it does not. Since the mother has no reason to give the formula to the baby, she does not do so. The baby is hungry, but alive.

Case 7: The mother wants to poison the child. She believes that the bottle contains poison, but she is mistaken. She feeds the formula to the baby. The result is a nourished baby.

Case 8: The mother wants to poison the child. The believes that the bottle contains poison, and the bottle does, in fact, contain poison. She feeds the contents of the bottle to the baby, and the baby dies.

Here, too, we can see how each of these cases follows the formula I mentioned above. Each time, the agent acts to fulfill her desires, given her beliefs. Beliefs end up playing a crucial role in what the agent does.

Now, let’s set Case 2 next to Case 8. Both cases involve a mother poisoning her baby. In Case 2, a mother was trying to feed her baby. However, she did not know that the bottle she thought contained food actually contained poison. In Case 8, a mother who wanted to poison her infant did so using a bottle that she knew contained poison.

For the sake of this demonstration, I want to eliminate certain pieces of clutter. Let us assume that the mother in Case 2 had every reason to believe that the bottle contained healthy food, and no reason to suspect poison. Assume that the poison was put into the formula from her husband or a disgruntled employee at the factory, where the mother had no way of knowing this.

The Irrelevance of Actions and Consequences:

In Case 2 and Case 8, the actions and the consequences of those actions are the same. In both cases, the mother feeds poison to her child. In both cases, the child dies. If we are going to base our judgment on actions or consequences, we would have to judge both mothers to be equally guilty, or equally innocent. It is absurd to hold that both mothers are equally guilty of murder. Thus, it is absurd to assume that moral evaluations track actions or consequences.

Note: If we include desires in our definition of an action, you get different results. But this will be shown to be consistent with the claim that moral evaluations track desires.

The Irrelevance of Beliefs

Does the difference in moral judgment rest on a difference in beliefs?

In this case, the mother in Case 2 had a false belief. She thought that the bottle contained healthy food, when in fact it contained poison. The mother in Case 8, on the other hand, knew that the bottle contained poison, and used it to kill her infant.

It would seem that if we are going to make moral judgments based on beliefs, that the mother in Case 2 who accidentally poisoned her child deserves the greater blame. She had a false belief. It would seem at least initially plausible that moral assessments grounded on belief would first track whether or not a belief was true, and give more moral credit to the person with true belief than the person with false belief. Yet, in this case, the mother with the true belief is a murderer, while the mother with the false belief was the victim of somebody else’s evil deeds.

Remember, we are assuming that the mother in Case 2 had no way of knowing that the bottle was filled with poison. We will deal with instances in which she should have known a little later.

Here, my interest is in showing that morality does not track beliefs. To see this further, let us assume that the mother in Case 2 acquires the same beliefs as the mother in Case 8. If morality tracks beliefs, we would expect to see the mother in Case 2 acquire the negative moral evaluation of the mother in Case 8. However, when we give the mother in Case 2 the belief that the bottle contains poison, we end up with Case 4 – a case in which the mother does not feed the child and the child lives. This case is not one of moral condemnation. Case 4 and Case 8 are not morally identical, even though their beliefs are identical.

Morality does not track beliefs.

The Morality of Intentions

Some people assert that ‘intentions’ are what matter. The mother in Case 2 did not intend to feed poison to the baby. She intended to feed the baby.

The problem with intentions is that they are ambiguous. The mother did not ‘intend’ to feed poison to the baby. Yet, at the moment she picks up the bottle, we can say that she intends to feed the contents of the bottle to the baby. It just so happens that the bottle contains poison.

Yet, even at the moment she picks up the bottle, it would not be accurate to say that she wants to feed the contents of the bottle to the baby. If another person, who knows that the bottle contains poison, were to see her picking up the bottle and say, “You do not want to do that,” he would be correct. She would ask “Why not?” He would answer, “Because that bottle contains poison.” Then she would realize that, in fact, she does not want to feed the contents of that bottle to the baby. She never did want to to that – though she did not realize it at the time. However, it is still true that she intended to feed the contents of the bottle to the baby.

Moral evaluations do not follow intentions.

Moral Evaluations Follow Desires

The only category that remains in this example is that of desires. Morality tracks desires.

Earlier, I mentioned how the mother in Case 2, if she acquired the same beliefs as the mother in Case 8, would not have fed the poison to the child and would be free from any type of moral condemnation. She does not acquire the moral status of the person in Case 8 simply by adopting her beliefs.

We can conduct the same test here, and give the mother in Case 8 the desires of the mother in Case 2. As the mother in Case 8 loses her desire to poison the baby and acquires a desire to feed the baby, she moves into the same situation as was described in Case 4. Case 4 involves a mother with a desire to feed the baby and a belief that the bottle contains poison. She refuses to feed the baby from that bottle, thus leaving the baby hungry and alive. Here, we see that the moral evaluation does track the desire in that, as the desire changes, so does the moral evaluation.

Yes, it is the case that the agent’s action also changes. This is because actions are the product of beliefs and desires. However, let us not forget that we began this investigation with two identical acts, and they showed that two mothers performing identical acts having identical consequences are not evaluated equally.

It is a fallacy to take somebody who has argued, “Not A” and answer, “I assert B.” Then, facing an argument that demonstrates “Not B”, assert “A” as if the first argument does not exist. The combination of the arguments I have given show that morality does not track actions, consequences, beliefs, or intentions. They track desires.

Crime Scene Investigation

Now, assume that you are a crime scene investigator. On this particular day, you have two infant deaths to investigate. In both cases, a mother has fed her infant a bottle that contained poison. The baby has died. Your job is to determine if a (moral) crime has taken place.

The first thing to note is that you have identical acts and identical consequences (for all practical purposes). Yet, you cannot even start to assign culpability in this case. There are an infinite number of possible stories to reveal. In some of them, the mother herself is as much a victim as her child. In others, the mother is the culprit. The important thing to note is that here, where you know the act and its consequences, you do not know enough to make a moral judgment. Moral judgments do not, in fact, attach to acts or consequences. This is not where the investigation ends, it is where the investigation begins.

In looking for culpability, what are you trying to find out?

In one case, you have your lab determine the type of poison involved and where it is available. Here, you discover that the mother had access to the poison. Furthermore, by looking at internet logs, you discover that the mother was researching the poison in the recent past. You also discover a credit card receipt (with her signature) where she bought the poison.

Through much of this, you are trying to discover what the mother believes. Mostly, you want to know if she believed that there was poison in the bottle when she fed the baby. You discover that she has beliefs about what the poison can do and how to get a hold of it. You also discover evidence the mother put the poison in the bottle while she prepared the formula. All of this leads you to the conclusion that she believed there was poison in the bottle when she fed it to the baby.

In all of this, you do not once blame the mother for her beliefs. In fact, you believe many of the same things she believed. You have the same beliefs about what the poison would do to the baby, and that the mother had mixed the poison with the formula before feeding the baby. If belief were reason for condemnation, you would be in nearly as much trouble as the mother.

So why are you interested in these beliefs?

Because you know the formula:

(belief + desire) -> intention -> intentional action.

You also know that people act so as to fulfill the more and the stronger of their desires, given their beliefs.

Without these assumptions, you would not be able to do your job.

If you take these equations and fill in the variables about what the agent believed, then you can then make inferences about what the agent desired. If you know that the agent believed that there was poison in the bottle at the time she fed the children, and she knew what the poison would do, you can deduce that she lacked any particularly strong aversion to bringing about those consequences. Ultimately, it is this fact that she did not care enough to preserve the baby’s life that determines her moral culpability.

What about excuses? Once you know that the mother has fed a bottle containing poison to her baby, what types of things can she use as an excuse to argue that she should not be blamed?

I have a section devoted to the subject of excuse in my book. One of those possible excuses turns out to be a ‘mistake of fact’. That is to say, “I did not know that the bottle contained poison.”

Assume that, in the second case, you check the formula and discover a manufacturing lot number. Checking the lot number, you find other packages also containing poison. The mother had no opportunity to deliver poison to the factory, so somebody else must have done it. In all likelihood, the mother had no way of knowing about the poison. Given her beliefs, even a mother who cared deeply about the welfare of her child would have fed the formula to her baby. There is no reason to believe that this mother lacks the desires of a good mother, so no reason to condemn her. In fact, we have every reason to see her as a victim.

There are several forms of excuse – from ‘consent’ to ‘accident’ to ‘greater good’. What all of them have in common is the fact that they block any inference from our knowledge that a particular act took place to the conclusion that the agent had bad desires or lacked good desires. All excuses make it plausible that an agent with good desires would have performed the same action.

Epistemic Negligence

There is one set of cases where it may seem that we are holding people responsible for their beliefs. This is when a person believes something absurd and, as a result of this absurd belief, acts in ways that harm others. In extreme cases, this may be considered insanity. In other cases it is a more common form of negligence. An example of the latter is a case where hunter fires at what he thinks is a game animal, only to discover that he has shot his friend. He negligently formed the belief that the creature making the noise in the brush was a game animal.

Epistemic negligence is very much like physical negligence. Compare this to a case in which a rancher overloads his pickup with hay bails. On the drive home, some hay bails fall off, land on another car, causing an automobile accident that kills two family members. The farmer in this case is guilty of negligence.

There is no reason to view epistemic negligence any different from physical negligence. The epistemically negligent is somebody who fails to properly secure a dangerous belief, in the same way as the farmer failed to secure a dangerous load.

Cases of physical negligence are cases of a defect in desire. We can infer from his lack of care to protect the welfare of others that he lacked the concern for the welfare of others that we all have reason to promote in society. We condemn the negligent for this lack of desire.

It is the very same lack of desire that causes the epistemically negligent to secure their beliefs. If they were truly concerned about innocent people being harmed, then they will take care to make sure that beliefs that might cause harm are properly anchored and secure. If they fail to take the necessary precautions to secure these beliefs, we may infer that they do not care about the harm they do to others.

The best part of the newest rise in atheist activism is that atheists are taking epistemically negligent beliefs that are a danger to others and giving them the level of moral condemnation they deserve. These are religious beliefs that support the conclusion that others are to be harmed. Beliefs that others are to be harmed deserve a far more secure foundation than religion can possibly provide. Those who do not go to the pains to make sure that their beliefs that others are to be harmed are well secured may be morally condemned as people who lack sufficient care that they not inflict unnecessary and unjustified harm on others.

Bigotry

Finally, we have the fact that people have a tendency to believe what they want to believe. From this simple fact we can sometimes make inferences about what another person desires simply by looking at his beliefs.

It is important to note that this type of inference only works where an individual makes some sort of mistake. Either she bases her conclusion on evidence that is not well supported, or she makes some flawed inference. When people make a mistake like this, we have reason to ask, “Of all of the mistakes that you could have possibly made, why did you make that mistake and not some other?” The reason will often be because that mistake fulfills some desire of hers.

For example, let us take the bigot who believes that hurricanes hitting New Orleans has something to do with the town’s greater-than-normal acceptance of homosexuality. This is clearly an absurd belief. We know enough about hurricanes to know that our computer simulations that predict their paths do not need to include a variable for “coastal region’s acceptance of homosexuality.”

When people make a mistake like this, we then have reason to ask, “Why did you make that mistake? Why did you accept that absurdity?” The answer, in this case, is that they are motivated by hatred, and are looking for something – anything – that might give their hatred legitimacy. There is no good reason to hate homosexuals. Therefore, these agents level completely unfounded and unjust charges against the victims of their hate. In this case, it is the charge that homosexuals attract hurricanes.

In this case, from a mistaken belief, we can infer something about the agent’s desires. From what we then know about the agent’s desires, we can make a moral evaluation. In this case, we know that the agent is a hate-mongering bigot unfit for civilized society.

Conclusion

So, what can we say about the role of belief in ethics?

Beliefs clearly play a role in influencing intentional action. However, beliefs are morally inert. In fact, actions, consequences, and intentions also fail to properly explain and predict moral judgments. The only claim that actually appears to work is the claim that moral evaluations track desires. The moral value of a person’s actions comes from the desires she has, or the desires she does not have that a person with good desires would have.

Criminal investigations can be best understood as a scientific quest to discover the desires of the agent that motivated a particular act. The act and its consequences alone are not enough to fix culpability. Beliefs are useful, but they are not the reason for blame. What matters is what the accused wanted to do with those beliefs. It is her desires that determine culpability, not her beliefs.

There is moral culpability for negligent beliefs – beliefs that are a danger to others that an agent fails to tie down securely. This need for well secured beliefs is why we have reason to require federal agents to go before a judge before they spy on or arrest people and why we have a right to a trial by jury. However, this is not because of the moral quality of the belief. Epistemic negligence is a moral crime because it demonstrates that the agent really does not care about the harm that her unsecured beliefs may due to others. It is this lack of compassion that deserves our moral condemnation, not the false beliefs.

Also, whenever a person clearly adopts a belief that is clearly absurd and grounded on no solid evidence, we can use this to infer what the agent wants. People have a tendency to believe what they want to believe, so any beliefs that are not well secured will tell us what the agent wants to believe. The bigot who makes up reasons to hate Jews, gays, or atheists can be shown to people who embrace hatred. If they were truly opposed to hatred, they would see the flaws in these types of arguments.

This, then, is a quite insufficiently brief outline of the role of belief in morality.

Thursday, January 18, 2007

The Source of Hatred

The vast majority of people who claim to oppose homosexuality (or civil unions, for that matter) for religious reasons are lying.

They may be lying to themselves as much as they are lying to others. We have a great deal of evidence to show that people are capable of embracing the greatest absurdities when it is psychologically comforting to do so. A person who is unwilling to face the true nature of their disapproval of homosexuals, and unwilling to accept what it says about them as a person, can easily grab onto a lie that gives them an illusion of legitimacy.

However, whether this is self-deception or an attempt to deceive others, few people, if any, actually oppose homosexuality for religious reasons.

This can be proved.

There is a fire, and the fire department needs to determine what caused it. The investigator sets out to do his work. He gathers evidence and conducts experiments. Then, several weeks later, he calls a press conference to discuss his findings. He reports that the reason for the fire was the presence of oxygen in the air, because his research has shown that if there was no oxygen there would have been no fire.

Immediately, the mayor of that community would have reason to start looking for a new fire marshal.

“Excuse me, Mr. Investigator. There is oxygen present in every house on the planet. Yet, very few of them burned down. When we asked you to find the cause of this fire, we were asking you to explain why this particular house burned down. The cause that we are interested in is what makes this house different from all of the houses that did not burn down.”

Anybody who gives us a reason, where we can answer that there is another case where that reason applies but the outcome one is trying to explain did not come about, has given us a poor reason indeed. We are justified, in these instances, to answer, “That is not the real reason. We need you to give us a reason that actually explains what we asked you to explain.”

When some people are asked why they oppose homosexuality, they answer that the Bible says that it is an abomination before God. We know that it is an abomination before God because it says so in the Bible.

Excuse me, Mr. Religious Ethicist. There are a whole lot of things that are an abomination before God, as mentioned in the Bible. These include the eating of shell fish to working on the Sabbath to collecting interest from fellow citizens to suffering a witch to live to NOT killing somebody who recommends belief in another God. However, you do not condemn these other things. So, this cannot be the reason for your condemnation of homosexuality. Why can't you treat homosexuals the same way you treat those who work on the Sabbath?

This is not a novel response to those who condemn homosexuality for religious reasons. I have not written anything that those who have been involved in this debate has not seen a number of times before. Yet, most people leave the argument here. In fact, this response opens up a number of interesting moral questions.

If Biblical abomination is not the true source of this condemnation, then what is?

"You are not getting this from the Bible. We know this. We can prove this. So, if not from the Bible, then from where?"

The fact is, those who condemn homosexuality suffer from a learned bigotry. They do not learn to hate those who eat shell fish, work on the Sabbath, or charge interese on loans. In fact, they learn to be quite tolerant of such people. As such, shellfish eaters, Sabbath workers, and interest chargers live relatively safe and comfortable lives.

The government even steps in to try to improve the lives of these people. It establishes standards that aim to keep shellfish safe to eat. People who work on the Sabbath have the same legal rights and protections as those who work on weeksays. Nobody dares argue that Sabbath workers are seeking 'special protection' by applying labor laws to Saturday or Sunday labor (which ever actually is the Sabbath).

Worse, the government participates in charging interest - through the Federal Reserve, and charging interest on late payment of taxes. This should be viewed as the biblical equivalent as the government participating in homosexual acts. This latter act itself would be the moral equivalent of the Federal Government itself setting up organizations to facilitate homosexual acts – perhaps by running a house of homosexual prostitution. Such is the government’s attitude towards the charging of interest.

On the other side of the equation, we can imagine a government that says that fair labor laws and overtime requirements simply do not apply to those who labor on the Sabbath. Clearly, the moral fiber of our country cannot withstand the assault that would befall it if we were to give weekend labor official recognition and the sanction of government protection. This is if we do not ban it outright.

Just as clearly, at the very least we must abolish the application of pure food and drug laws to the shellfish industry. If the government were to take steps to protect citizens from the ill effects of eating unhealthy shellfish, this will do nothing more than to promote this perversion, inviting an overall lack of respect for God’s law that will do nothing less than bring down civilization as we know it.

If biblical prohibition were the real source of condemnation, we would find ourselves in a society where shellfish eaters and bankers would be prohibited from participating in youth organizations like the Boy Scouts. Those who insist on such a ban would argue that those who so flagrantly violate God’s law cannot possibly be moral, and clearly cannot be considered good role models for our children.

What type of message does it give our children to be a member of a troop whose troop leader is known to be a practicing shellfish eater or banker – when the Bible so clearly identifies these acts as a violation of His law? These children will no doubt come to think that all of God’s law are open to question. This type of moral relativism is the last thing that we need to be teaching impressionable young minds.

We do not hear these arguments. Therefore, we need something that explains why the homosexual is subject to these types of claims, but the shellfish eater (or harvester) and the banker are not. There must be some other reason for this distinction.

So, he who says that the condemnation of homosexuality is driven by its being called an abomination in religious text is like the fire marshal telling us that the fire was caused by the presence of oxygen in the air. The fire marshal cannot explain the difference between the house that burned down and the house that did not burn down. Both, as it turned out, contained plenty of oxygen. The religious ethicist cannot explain the difference between the homosexual and the shellfish eater or the banker – all three of which are equally engaging in practices that are abominations according to scripture.

We are still in need of somebody who can tell us the real cause.

The real cause is actually quite obvious. The difference between the homosexual and the shellfish eater is simply a learned hatred. Parents and priests teach their children or their flock to hate homosexuals in ways that they do not teach their children to hate shellfish eaters and bankers. In fact, parents and priests quite openly teach their children and their flock to ignore God’s prohibitions on these activities, and to treat these practitioners with the same respect given to any other neighbor.

From this, we must ask whether there is any good reason to teach a hatred of homosexuals, but not of shellfish eaters or bankers. When we look at this question, we discover that the reasons we are typically given to hate homosexuals are make-believe. It is a hatred cloaked in a sheet of lies and nonsense.

We are told that the reason that the 9/11 hijackers were successful is because our nation has weakened its intolerance of homosexuals. As such – because we so flagrantly allow citizens to ignore God’s law – God has removed his protective hand. Yet, it would seem that, if such a story made sense, God would be even more furious over our acceptance of shellfish eaters and bankers. They, clearly, have gained far more acceptance in our society than homosexuals.

When we are asked to explain why Hurricane Katrina struck New Orleans – this too was ‘explained’ in germs of God’s anger over the town’s greater tolerance of homosexuals. Yet, here too, perhaps God was not targeting homosexuals (and those who are tolerant of homosexuals) at all. Perhaps God was angry at New Orleans because it was the center of a huge shrimp industry.

These arguments against shrimpers and bankers make absolutely no sense. Anybody who tried to use them would be immediately exposed as hate-mongers devoting themselves to adding misery to the lives of others for no good reason. Moral progress will be made when homosexuals, in fact, are given the same type of treatment as shrimpers and bankers – fully accepted in society in spite of the fact that the Bible condemns their lifestyle – because there is no good reason to hate them.

So, the next time somebody says that they base their condemnation of homosexuals on religious text, call them a liar. Let them know that you cannot tell at the start if they are only lying to others, or if they are lying to themselves as well. However, they are deceiving somebody. What they are saying is false, and can be proved false.

Unless the speaker actually gives homosexuals the same social status as shrimpers and bankers, they are doing as poor a job of reporting the actual source of their hatred as the fire marshal who reports that oxygen is the true source of the fire.

Wednesday, January 17, 2007

Fear of Dying

It is ironic that those would rescue an animal from otherwise certain death face their greatest risk from the animal itself. Trapped, and too stupid to know the difference between predator and benefactor, they assume that their rescuer is a predator and seek to defend themselves accordingly. More than one person has died trying to save a creature that could not appreciate the effort.

One of the reasons that people turn to religion is the fear and pain of death. Unable to handle the prospect of their own death, they get grasp onto the idea that there is a life after death and cling to that idea as tightly as they can. No rationalist can pry his or her fingers away from it. Those who try are at risk of being attacked.

In saying this, I am not making any grand claim that all of religion is a psychological crutch for those who are emotionally weak. People have a number of different reasons for adopting religious beliefs. This is only one of them. Fear of death does provide a motive (even though not the only motive) to adopt religious beliefs.

The irony that I spoke of above is that those who are motivated to embrace religion by a fear of death have ultimately ended up shortening their own lives (on average) in the process. The religions they embrace have them dying sooner than they otherwise would.

Killing Oneself

First on this list, of course, are the religious commandments that cause death directly. The Kamakazi pilot who dies for his emperor, the suicide bomber, the crusader, the jihadist, all of whom head off to do battle and to die in the name of their God. This label also applies to the Jehovah’s Witness and Christian Scientist who refuses medical treatment that would otherwise keep them alive.

These people think that they are cheating death. They think that the manner in which they leave life on this earth determines whether they will die in fact, or simply transition to a new phase of life. As a matter of fact, all who choose these options do, in fact, die. No 9/11 hijacker or suicide bomber has ever found himself in heaven. No Jahovah’s Witness ever made a transition to an after life. They have, in fact, brought about what they most wanted to avoid.

The situation is as tragic as that of a mother who, thinking that her child is ill and in need of medicine, feeds her child a substance that ultimately kills the child. The mother, acting on her false beliefs, brings about the situation she wanted most to avoid.

I wrote recently about the debate on embryonic stem cell research. This, is another type of case in which a person’s religious beliefs hasten his or her own death. However, in these types of cases the tragedy is compounded. This is not a case where, like the Jehovah’s Witness or Christian Scientist, the individual refuses to accept certain medical treatments for religious reasons. These are cases in which an individual, for religious reasons, seek to prohibit others who do not share their religion from getting medical care that could save their lives.

The same arguments that are being used to block stem-cell research could, from a slightly different perspective, be used to make blood transfusions illegal – because the practitioners of a particular religion believe that God would not be pleased. Indeed, some religious practitioners, given the power of the state, can use the same principles being used to ban embryonic stem cell research to prohibit all forms of medical treatment.

Inoculation against disease, for example, was once thought of as “playing God” in that it took away God’s choice to wipe out whole populations using plague. Humans were thumbing their nose at God if they acted to inoculate humans from God’s wrath.

These are just two ways in which the fear of death causes people to embrace religion, which then causes the person to act in ways that hastens that which the agent fears most - their own death.

Being Killed by Others

These examples suggest another type of case in which those who turn to religion out of a fear of death do more harm than good. Not only do some of them end up killing themselves (though they foolishly believe they will not actually die), but they put themselves at risk of being killed by others.

Tragically, one common set of cases that fit this category involve the killing of children by parents and others following religious commandments. This applies to the child who dies because he is denied access to life-saving medical care. It also applies to cases in which children are forced to endure ‘treatment’ that is potentially life-threatening in its own right. An example of this is the case of an 8-year-old boy who died in 2003 due to suffocation in an attempt to ‘expel demons’.

This is a case of somebody killing somebody that they love out of misguided religious beliefs. The death, in this case, was not intentional. Yet, most cases of killing others for religious reasons are intentional. These are the suicide bombers, crusaders, jihadists, inquisitors, and even those who advocate capital punishment for certain criminal offenses because the Bible tells them that they are to kill such people (e.g., murderers, adulterers, homosexuals, witches, apostates, or anybody who denies the One True God – whoever that happens to be).

Science: The Rescuer

The rational person who fears death has no reason to turn to religion to find rescue from this fate. Indeed, religion will often hasten his death, and even more often suppress and destroy those things that have the best chance of saving his life. The rational person, instead, turns to scientists and doctors – people who study real-world physical and biological systems, rather than scripture. Through their study of biological systems, aging, consciousness, and the brain, they are continually finding ways of preserving a particular stream of consciousness, allowing it to continue under situations where it would have otherwise come to an end.

I know, for example, that scientists have kept my wife’s stream of consciousness going far longer than nature or God (if there were such a creature) would have allowed. As a child, she was treated for cancer that would have otherwise killed her. In March of last year, doctors inserted a pacemaker since her heart was not functioning well enough to keep her alive without such aid. If her parents had trusted to prayer alone when she was a child, or if we had trusted to prayer alone last year, she would almost certainly be dead today.

There are, of course, indirect ways in which science allows us to extend our particular strands of conscious over time – the hurricane and tsunami warning systems, the smoke and carbon monoxide detectors for our home, the circuit breaker, materials science and its relevance in sound construction and safe wiring, cars engineered to protect passengers from the force of impact, sanitation, and the like.

However, in doing this, scientists have routinely uncovered a set of explanations for the causes of these phenomena that leave no room for a heaven and an afterlife. The scientist says, “The theories that are the most proficient at generating hypothesis that then allow us to preserve and protect human lives are theories that contradict the basic claims of every major religion. They are theories that make it less and less likely that we have reason to hope for a life after death. Human consciousness is being tied more and more tightly to the brain to the point that we can tell with greater precision what parts of the brain to change in order to change the person’s psychology. If minds and brains are so closely linked, it us absurd to believe that the person himself can survive the destruction of the brain.”

Those who fear death hate science for saying this. They do not want to hear it. They view science as the enemy – snarling and kicking and doing anything in its power to strike back at this ‘attacker’ – paying no attention to the fact that the theories that yield these conclusions also yield the treatment options that can be empirically shown to save lives.

Religion actually does nothing to extend the length of a strand of consciousness over time. It only creates the false belief that a strand of consciousness will continue, then that strand of consciousness ends in fact. Even if we hold to an obligation to respect another person’s religious beliefs, my respect for somebody else’s belief in a life after death will not change the fact that he will not have a life after death.

Science, in fact, is the only institution that has had an actual affect when it comes to prolonging human lives, allowing strands of consciousness to continue when nature, or nature and religion, would have brought those strands to an end.

As a matter of fact, those who are alive today will almost certainly die. One of the reasons we will die is because earlier generations embraced religion over science. If earlier generations would have embraced science more and religion less, we would have a stronger foundation of medical science today to draw upon, and people who are dying today would have otherwise lived.

Scientific advances can give some of us a few years that we would not otherwise have, or improve the quality of life in any given year. However, embracing science today will not protect us from death indefinitely. It is too late for us – thanks to the generations that came before and their embrace of superstition over reason.

However, we could save the lives of our children, or their children, or their children. We could, at least, do a better job of protecting them from those forces that would otherwise end their streams of consciousness, if we care enough to do so. What it requires is getting a grip of our own fear of death and spending the time we have helping others.

What type of parent allows his or her own fear drives them to sacrifice the lives of their children?

Tuesday, January 16, 2007

The Surge

We live in a country where even the village idiot is permitted to run for President.

However, when the founding fathers set up this system, they assumed that at least a majority of voters would be smart enough not to vote for the village idiot.

Well, actually, that’s not true. The founding fathers set up the Electoral College, and meant for it to be something more than a rubber stamp of the public will. Recognizing that the selection of a President is an important task that takes more time and intelligent research than the average person has available, they decided instead on a system where the people would choose elector. Those electors would go through the effort of assessing candidates. The next few generations of Americans tossed out that system in favor of direct elections. That system is one that can only work if we assume that the average voter has enough intelligence not to hire the village idiot to run the country.

Yet, here we are.

Anybody who paid attention to how Bush thinks could have predicted long ago that Bush was going to promote a renewed push in Iraq, with more troops and more money. I described that method yesterday. Bush ‘thinks’ by a three-step process that says:

Step 1: Embrace a conclusion

Step 2: Collect evidence on an issue.

Step 3: Filter the evidence, keeping only that which conforms to the embraced conclusion, toss out that which contradicts as the embraced conclusion and condemn any who would dare present conflicting evidence as anti-American, anti-Freedom, and anti-God, and reinterpret everything else so that it supports the embraced conclusion one has embraced.

Shortly after the Bush Administration saw the recommendations of the Iraq Study Group, it called a group of ‘experts’ over to the White House to discuss alternative plans.

Simply by knowing how Bush thinks, one can see what he was up to with this meeting. Four years ago, Bush embraced a conclusion. He turned to the intelligence evidence, threw out what he did not like, and reinterpreted the rest to match his conclusion. With all that he has seen since then, nothing has yet shaken his faith that his original conclusion was correct. If a group delivers a report that he does not like, then this is proof that the group was made up of incompetents – twisted by ideology or a weak will from seeing the grand vision that sits right before Bush’s eyes.

In order to move on to Step 3, Bush needed somebody to tell him that his embraced conclusion was correct. As soon as somebody else told Bush, “The Iraq Study Group was wrong,” then Bush can say, “Yes, I think so, too,” and continue on with his embraced conclusion.

It would be interesting to see what he would do in the absence of yes-men willing to call his ideas brilliant - whatever those ideas may be. However, since any idea, however stupid, will have at least one advocate other than Bush itself, Bush will always find what he needs to find in order to continue to hold on to his embraced conclusion. Once Bush collected his data, he decided that he then had enough information that his generals were too stupid to know what to do and overrule their suggestions. He could assert that the blue-ribbon committee were wasting their time and taxpayer dollars coming up with a set of recommendations.. Instead, Bush could assert that he alone had the intellectual giftedness necessary to come up with a plan that all of his experts. All of this came in spite of the fact that his experts worked full time on the question, while Bush filled a substantial portion of his time and keen intellect on other matters.

Now, I have criticized some Democrats of this same way of thinking. They have embraced the conclusion that Bush was wrong. As a Republican, by default, he could not possibly be right. They collect their evidence, keep what confirms their hypothesis and throw out what they do not like, and reinterpret the rest so as to support their embraced hypothesis.

I have presented as evidence the claims that many of the more liberal Democrats have made regarding the conduct of the war. With nothing to go on but their own ideas, and the automatic assumption that Bush must necessarily be wrong, they judge themselves fully competent to make their own war plans (or withdraw plans) on little or no data.

In this context, I have held that the only morally and intellectually responsible position to take is to say, “I do not know; I must leave these choices up to the experts.”

In the last couple of months, we have had reports of what the experts would have said. An individual who holds that intellectual responsibility involves listening to experts, there is reason to condemn Bush. The Iraq Study Group has given its recommendations. In addition, the Washington Post reports that the Joint Chiefs are unanimously opposed to Bush’s plan.

Bush is, in fact, the village idiot. He is so lacking in basic intellectual skills that he thinks he is a genius.

He does not earn this title because he does not accept my wisdom on what to do in Iraq. I have admitted my own ignorance, and yielded to the better judgment of those who have spent more time studying the issue than I have. Bush earns the title by not listening to them.

Ancient Greece brings us the story of Socrates, who the Oracle of Delphi declared to be the wisest person around. Socrates answered that if he was wise, then wisdom must consist in knowing one’s own limitations – with respecting the fact that one actually knows very little.

It is true, in fact. The wise person consults a doctor to diagnose his disease, an engineer to design his house and a carpenter to build it, a lawyer to handle his affairs in court, and a financial advisor (either personally or in the form of experts running a preferred mutual fund) to make many of his decisions for him. He recognizes his own limits and trusts to experts.

Only the fool thinks that he can do everything himself.

Of course, there is a chance, however small, that even a fool might get lucky. After all, somebody has to win the lottery. However, even professional gamblers know how to read the odds so as to give oneself the best chances possible.

Plays and movies tend to show us examples in which a person makes a 1 in 1,000,000 gamble and wins. However, this is only because the 999,999 examples in which the gambler loses, the story tends not to be one that one wants to watch – or to live through.

Bush has decided to gamble by putting yet another stack of young American lives and a few more tens to hundreds of billions of dollars into the pot. Yet he lacks even the rudimentary intellectual competence to play the game well – meaning that there is a good chance (given the testimony of the experts) that Bush will lose this hand as he lost the earlier hands, and another stack of lives and collection of taxpayer dollars will be wasted.

Yet, ultimately, it is difficult to blame Bush for these failures. Bush is an intellectual lightweight. Much of the reason he does poorly is because he lacks the basic competence to do well. If an incompetent employee does something destructive to a business, then the blame not only falls on the incompetent employee, but on the people who decided to hire him.

America is filled with people who decided to put the village idiot in charge. At which point, the village idiot made the types of decisions that village idiots are prone to make. The public tendency is to blame Bush himself. The just and fair response would be to blame those who put him in that position. Those are the people who have the blood of 3,000 dead Americans, over 20,000 wounded Americans, nearly 40,000 dead Iraqis this year alone, and untold number of wounded, and incalculable damage in loss of education and damage to economic infrastructure. Such people deserve fair condemnation for what they have done.

The founding fathers decided that even the village idiot can run for President.

However, that doesn’t mean that they wanted us to actually vote for him.

Monday, January 15, 2007

Bush Spying: Mail and Bank Records

I want to start this post with two primary claims.

(1) It is surprising, really, how easy it is for politicians to put into place all of the mechanisms for a police state sufficient to make any would-be dictator drool without a word of protest from a population raised to value freedom and oppose tyranny.

(2) It is not so surprising that those people who claimed that atheists must be kept out of political power and lack the moral foundation that would prevent a good Christian from setting up such mechanisms are those who are primarily responsible for setting up these mechanisms.

We have grown so accustomed to news that the Executive Branch of the Government claims a right to look into every aspect of our lives to judge our loyalty to the State that news articles are substantially ignored.

A year ago, we were protesting the government listening in on our telephone calls, snooping through our emails, and creating watch lists of organizations who spoke against the President’s war in Iraq. These generated some moderate level of outrage. I wrote at the time that these are only the violations we know about. I asked about what the Bush Administration was doing that we had not yet learned.

In the last few weeks, we learned that Bush claims the right to open your mail without a warrant. He wrote this into a signing statement – the type of unconstitutional power that the President claimed to rewrite legislation he does not like, and to give himself whatever powers it pleases him to have.

More recently, the New York Times reported that Bush has authorized the Pentagon and CIA to spy on Americans by collecting our bank records – again, without a court order or Congressional oversite.

Of course, government officials are claiming that they are only looking at the mail and examining the bank records of ‘suspected terrorists’.

Yet, these are people who also claim that, “If you are not with us, then you are with the terrorists.” In other words, if you are not a supporter of the Bush Administration, then you qualify as a ‘suspected terrorist’ in the eyes of this administration. This means that the Executive Office can claim an unrestricted right to example your phone records, bank records, email, and physical mail.

Once again we encounter the argument that any opposition will hinder the President’s personal task to keep us safe from terrorist attacks. Liars and propagandists will claim that those who oppose these policies want to give terrorists a free pass. Again, it becomes necessary to assert that the liars are lying; that protesters are not seeking to prevent the government from spying on terrorists – but to make sure that the government is spying on terrorists.

There are two counter-concerns.

(1) Who is going to protect us from the President?

The greatest source of harm to the people of any country has never been “terrorists” but its own government.

Our society today is filled with people who would love the opportunity to take over the government and to control the vast military and economic power that this country holds, and to throw it around for his own pleasure, ruthlessly eliminating anybody who gets in his way.

The best protection that we have instrument we have against such an individual is that, even if he can con us into electing him President, he does not have the power to establish a tyranny. He does not have the tools he would need to pull off such a coup, because the Constitution does not allow him to have those powers. It has taken those powers and split them up, creating a system of checks and balances, so that the would-be tyrant in any body must deal with those in the other two estates.

As long as this system is intact, and as long as the American people are willing to defend it, any would-be tyrant is simply out of luck when it comes to becoming a dictator. The people are going to insist that his plans meet the approval of the other estates, and that is simply not a situation that a would-be tyrant is going to find appealing. He wants a country where the occupant of one of the branches of the government can do whatever it wants, without asking permission of the other branches. Or, he could accept a requirement to appeal to another branch, as long as he has the authority to tell the members of that other branch what its response will be.

For 225 years, would-be tyrants saw nothing that would appeal to them in the Executive branch of the United States. The power to spy on others is extremely useful. It can provide the raw material for blackmail or for seeing to it that others are removed from power by ‘leaking’ damaging information. However, our government said that would-be tyrants had to prove to a judge that they had probable cause before they spied on others. Without this, the judicial branch had good reason to assume that the Executive Branch was after something other than national security, and prohibit the Executive Branch from getting a hold of that information.

No would-be tyrant could stand such a system. If only somebody would change the system, allowing the President to act without appealing to the other two branches, then it would be a position that would tempt some would-be tyrant. For this, we need a President who asserts that he has the right to spy on who he wishes with no warrant, with no Congressional approval, with nothing but his desire to find out information about a person to guide his actions. Once this happens, then a would-be tyrant has a reason to want to become President. Until then, it is not worth the bother.

To defend ourselves from these people, we must condemn and prohibit any President from changing our form of government into one where the Executive has dictatorial powers. Even if this President promises to be a benevolent dictator and to use his limitless authority only for good, this President will not be President forever.

(2) How is the President using this evidence?

Six years of watching this President has given us a good look at how he thinks. Typically, he follows a three-step process.

Step 1: Embrace a hypothesis. This could be any hypothesis, such as the claim that what makes money for oil companies could not possibly cause harm to others, that removing Saddam Hussein would be fast, easy, and cheap and set the stage for the democratization of the Middle East, that God created the heavens and the earth 6,000 years ago, that there was no such thing as Evolution, that Saddam Hussein aided the 9/11 terrorists and was building weapons of mass destruction to use on the United States.

Step 2: Examine the evidence.

Step 3: Selectively keep and throw out sections of the evidence, rewrite others, and reinterpret the rest to support the embraced conclusion.

Let us apply this to the President’s power to spy.

First, he forms they hypothesis that an individual is a friend of terrorists. This could come from a number of sources – conscious and unconscious. One of those sources may simply be a hatred for somebody and a desire to remove them from a position of power (and replace him with somebody more friendly).

Second, he collects the evidence, using these powers to listen in to phone calls, collect phone records, collect bank records, read the mail, and intercept the emails of the person.

Now, here, we must remember that the President can do this for anybody he ‘suspects’ of being friendly to terrorists, without justifying to anybody else why he ‘suspects’ this person. So, if he suspects a political rival, he now has access to the private communications of a political rival based on the convenience of ‘suspecting’ that the individual was associated with terrorists.

Third, he sifts through the evidence, keeping that which appears to support his hypothesis, throwing out that which does not, and reinterpreting the rest so that he now has ‘proof’ that the accused is guilty.

This is precisely what happened with respect to the invasion of Iraq.

The Bush Administration formed the hypothesis that Saddam Hussein aided the 9/11 hijackers and were building weapons of mass destruction with which to attack the United States. It collected the evidence. It then kept what supported its hypothesis, threw out anything that contradicted their hypothesis, and reinterpreted the rest. It then took this as “proof” that Saddam Hussein was guilty, and launched a war.

Elsewhere, it is a very good bet that some of the people that the Bush Administration has locked up in its secret prisons were “guilty” of terrorism in the same way that Saddam Hussein was “guilty” of supporting the 9/11 terrorists and building weapons of mass destruction.

Scientists and scholars know that this type of mistake – cherry picking data and reinterpreting events to support a favored hypothesis – are very human tendencies and very unreliable. To combat these, scientists have adopted a number of procedures to remove the possibility of human error. It uses “double-blind” experiments and insists on using people to collect the data who do not know what conclusions the person wanting the data is seeking to support, and gives the data to educated third partied with no particular stake in the outcome for an impartial review.

Modern courts were also invented by people who understood these weaknesses and sought institutions that promoted justice over prejudice – that promoted a rule of law over the rule of men (or of a man).

Intelligent and wise people know human frailties and human failures and design their institutions to protect us from these sources of error. Fools ignore these human limitations and design institutions to suit their whim. The fool leads us into error, the way George Bush lead us into this war in Iraq.

I hold that it is significant that President Bush and almost all of his inner circle were trained for this type of backward thinking. Their religion tells them that wisdom is gained through a three step process.

Step 1: Embrace the Bible as literally true.

Step 2: Look at the evidence for and against scripture.

Step 3: Accept the evidence supporting scripture as sound, reject all that contradicts the Bible, and reinterpret the rest so that it fits into one’s religious view, and assert that this is proof that the Bible is correct.

It is a recipe for error, and is as poor a system for determining who is and who is not a “suspected terrorist” as it is in determining the wisdom of invading Iraq.

Conclusion

There is more at issue here than the question of whether the government will open some envelopes. What is at issue is devotion to institutions that protect civilization itself from human failings. Destroy those institutions that protect us from human failings, and we risk suffering far more than any terrorist could cause us to suffer.

One of the institutions that protect us from human failures – a human lust for absolute power and to “play” with it to the detriment of everybody else – is the institution of separation of powers. It is an institution that demands that the Executive must present its findings to some other branch to make sure that when it claims to be protecting the nation from terrorist attacks that it is not, instead, protecting the power elite from political opponents.

Courts protect us in another way – by eliminating bias in the interpretation of evidence so as to make sure that it actually supports the conclusion that the agent claims that it supports. People have an annoying habit of seeing what they want to see in the evidence, and only those who do not care which story is true – who cares only about the truth – can be trusted to interpret the evidence soundly and avoid costly errors.

Only a fool would throw these institutions away and trust, instead, to the whim of a person who has such a proven inability to use evidence to come to reasoned conclusion as Bush has demonstrated.

Sunday, January 14, 2007

Overriding a Veto on Stem Cell Research

Thinking that you will go to hell if you use embryonic stem cells to cure paralysis is as foolish as thinking that you will go to heaven if you fly a hijacked airplane into a sky scraper. Of these two irrational sets of beliefs, the second is the least dangers, because it threatens to kill far fewer people.

House Resolution 3 passed the House recently. Earlier, President Bush used his only veto to date to veto similar legislation that passed the Senate.

Chances are, he will use his veto again. This means that this bill will fail unless enough votes are brought in its favor to override a veto. In the House of Representatives, it takes 290 votes to override a Presidential veto. The bill passed with 253 votes. This means that between today, and the day the House votes to override the veto, either 37 Representatives have to be brought to their senses, or the bill will die – and, in a very real sense, there is a potential for millions of people who to die or suffer permanent sickness or injury who might have otherwise lived or been cured or healed.

I am aware of the protests that embryonic stem cell research does not hold the promise that its supporters claim it to have. Yet, these people speak from scientific credentials that tell us that the Earth is 6,000 years old, evolution never happened CO2 is not a greenhouse gas, and that an invasion of Iraq would be fast, easy, and cheep. In other words, these are people who are experts at seeing what they want to see when they look at the data – rather than what is already there.

There is actually more on the table here than just the issue of saving lives, curing the sick, and healing the injured (including, by the way, over 10,000 Americans who have acquired debilitating injuries in the name of helping Bush save face – and an unknown number of Americans who will suffer such injuries in the future).

This is a very potent example of harm done in God’s name.

It rests in the fact that there is no real difference between the Representative who will vote ‘no’ on this legislation for religious reasons (and the President who will say ‘veto), and the suicide bomber with his finger on the button. Except, the Representative does not do us the favor of destroying himself in the process.

I am sorry that this sounds harsh. But the equation holds, in spite of its harshness.

One may protest, “The Representative is doing this for good reason. He thinks that he is saving innocent lives. He thinks that he is serving a kind and benevolent God who is the source of all morality, who is infinitely just and would bestow infinite kindness on us if we would only accept His ways above all others.”

Yeah, that’s what they all say.

Suicide bombers are not motivated by pure hate either. By their act of self-sacrifice in the name of God, many think that they earn the right to name those who will join them in Heaven. They do this – not because they love to maim and kill others, but because they want to buy eternal happiness for their friends and family members. They act from the most noble of motives. However, religiously-grounded beliefs turn these noble motives into an act of barbaric destruction.

Sound familiar?

There is a difference, and this difference does lend a shade of grayness that distinguishes the two acts. The Representative does not hate his victims. He considers his victims to be unfortunate collateral damage in his pursuit of God’s will. He would rather that his act kill and maim nobody – while the suicide bomber kills as many people as possible.

Yet, it is ironic that, even though both would wish things were different, the Representative will end up killing and maiming far more people in the name of God than the suicide bomber. (At least, until the would-be suicide bomber gets to put his finger on a voting button or the pen that signs the law, veto, executive order, or signing statement in a country that lacks institutional safeguards.)

This one difference does not erase the similarities – the real-world death, injury, and disease that would not have otherwise existed if not for the irrational beliefs of those who could have prevented it.

A reader might protest, “But these Representatives are our friends and neighbors, our family members – or are loved and admired by those we care about. How can you possibly compare them to terrorists?”

In fact, I expect that some people would get absolutely furious at any who would draw such a connection.

Yet, even here, it is not difficult to imagine that the suicide-bomber or terrorist lives with the same type of support structure. The Shiite or Sunni mother in Iraq also has problems handling the idea that her son, brother, father, best-friend’s son, and the like deserves any type of harsh condemnation for his deeds and actions. She is going to be angry at any who casts them in an unfriendly light. Yet, the fact that such a claim elicits such a harsh emotional response does not make it false. The issue is whether or not the claim is true, not whether people like it.

Our message to the friend of the would-be suicide-bomber/terrorist, and the person who has the ear of a Representative who might refuse to override a Presidential veto when the time comes, is the same.

If you are somebody who cannot stand the thought of one of these people being evil, then I ask you a favor.

Go to these people and tell them, when they have their finger on the button and are ready to perform an act that will result in people being killed and maimed who would not have otherwise been killed and maimed – to pause for one second and consider their actions. The free ticket to heaven for those that a terrorist bomber selects, and the ensouled blastocyst that the Representative seeks to defend equally fictitious entities. In both cases, you are bringing about real-world suffering for the sake of an imaginary good.

The Representative might answer, “You can’t know that these entities are not persons deserving of life, and I am sworn to protect the innocent. I must protest these entities.”

I answer that I can know this – because that which has no desires has no interests, and that which has no interests cannot be harmed in any morally relevant sense. However, even if somebody wants to play the ‘benefit of the doubt’ argument, we must ask where the greatest cause for doubt exists. Does it exist with the blastocyst, or does it rest with the real, living person in a real hospital facing a real death and real injury. You have a button. If you press it, a person you can see before you will die and there is a vague and ill-defined chance that somebody in a distant room might die. Do not press it, and there is a vague, ill-defined chance that somebody in some distant room will live and the person before you will certainly die. On which side does “the benefit of the doubt” lay?

I claim to know that there is nobody in that other room. Yet, even if I am wrong, the benefit of any doubt weighs in favor of the real person that one can see and touch.

They may answer, “You are asking me to abandon my faith. I cannot do that. I have faith that it is better that I blow up these infidels and buy my friends and family a ticket into heaven. I have faith that these blastocysts are ensouled and protecting them is more important than fighting death, disease, and injury among the real-world people who surround me.”

Yet the proper response to their insistence can never be, “Oh, if you feel that strongly about it, then go ahead. Of course, I cannot allow real-world death, disease, and injury come between you and your faith.”

Having said this, there is another important principle that I need to repeat in the context of this discussion. It is the principle that the only legitimate response to words are counter-words; the only legitimate to a political campaign in an open society is a counter-campaign; that violence becomes legitimate only against those who are actually using or planning violence. This principle is necessary to keep the peace. If we allow violence in response to words or political campaigns, then we will be surrounded by violence, because too many arrogant people insist that their view cannot be mistaken and they are the ones who may use violence in defense of their words or their party.

The proper response to use against those who claim that their faith justifies death, disease, and injury is to explain, in posts like this, that they are horribly misguided. The proper response to a political campaign to elect politicians who will use faith as a reason to allow death, disease, and injury is to campaign against them. The proper response to the would-be suicide bomber is to identify him and confine him before he gets a chance to act.

We have as much reason to fear and to campaign against the politician who would vote “no” when the time comes to override Bush’s inevitable stem-cell veto as we do to apprehend and confine the would-be suicide bomber – and every reason to pursue those options with equal enthusiasm.

Saturday, January 13, 2007

Atheism, Education, and Virtue

There is a question floating around asking how critical atheists should be of their theistic neighbors. Some advocate a direct frontal assault of all religiosity – turning belief in the absurdities of religion into such an acute embarrassment that none would dare go there (or, at least, admit that they do so in public).

The reasons for doing this are because those who believe in such things should be embarrassed - the idea of people standing in front of an audience and announcing that the world is less than 6,000 years old is laughable. If one were to imagine the Earth under the watchful eye of some extra-terrestrial scientists, the fact that we choose leaders who think that perfect truth can be found in the assertions of a bunch of illiterate goat herders can be seen as good reason for embarrassment.

The other reason – the reason that I hold is the more important of the two – is that these superstitions motivate people to act in ways that are harmful to others. If there were fewer religionists, then there would be fewer people seeking weapons of mass destruction to detonate in an ‘enemy’ city for us to worry about. Our children, and their children, can count themselves safer to the degree that we can make a future world in where there are fewer theocrats trying to kill dissenters.

In earlier posts, I have written that those who focus on your standard weapons of mass destruction – nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons – are blinding themselves (willfully or otherwise) to the fundamentalists’ most destructive weapon – legislation.

We are up in arms over 20 terrorists flying airplanes into some sky scrapers, killing less than 3,000 people. At the same time, religious fundamentalists in this country have orchestrated the curtailment of stem-cell research that will allow the destruction of as many families per day as Islamic terrorists have killed in this country throughout its history.

In Massachusetts, religious fundamentalists are seeking a constitutional amendment to ban gay marriage. This constitutional amendment is a weapon of mass destruction that has the whole gay population of the state (between 300,000 and 600,000 people) in its blast radius. And some of them will die – most of them children. Fundamentalists engineer such self-loathing among young homosexuals that a disproportionate number will see no option but suicide. “But what does it matter. They are an affront to God.”

We get daily news reports of tens to hundreds of Iraqi citizens being blown up each day in sectarian violence in Iraq (and other parts of the world). Yet, the damage that these bombs do pales when compared to the damage of over a hundred million women being denied an education – either by law or by custom – because so much ignorance is far more destructive than any bomb.

Given the harmfulness of theism, and the more direct embarrassment of being surrounded by people who express such utterly insane beliefs about the world, it follows that a direct assault on theism is fully justified, is it not?

Well, not exactly.

Atheism is nothing more than the belief that no God exists. (I have expressed my contempt for the idea that ‘atheism’ is ‘the lack of belief’ – a definition that makes the atheist the intellectual equivalent of a rock – in earlier posts.) This proposition alone – “No God exists” – does not entail any other belief, so it does not entail any type of scientific or intellectual enlightenment. It is true that almost all members of the National Academy of Sciences do not believe in God. However, it is also the case that a very small portion of those who do not believe in God will come anywhere near to qualifying as members of the National Academy. There are a lot of stupid ideas out there consistent with “No God Exists” that are not at all disarmed by converting people to atheism.

As for the issue of harm, “No God exists,” entails as much about the nature of value as “The Earth is not the center of the solar system.” That is to say, it entails nothing. Theists like to make a lot of noise about the fact that Nazism and Communism were not religious doctrines, and that Communism embraced atheism.

Yet, the fact is so conveniently ignored that these movements had ‘prophets’ who demanded total obedience and ‘scripture’ in the form of Mein Kampf, Das Kapital, and Mao Tse Tung’s Little Red Book - giving them all of the hallmarks of theism without the God. Furthermore, the idea of killing Jews was hardly an new and un-Christian idea in Europe. However, more importantly, every one of these groups had been brought up to believe that the Sun was the center of the solar system – yet we can hardly make the argument that heliocentrism itself should be condemned because those who lead the most bloodthirsty regimes in human history were heliocentrists.

Note: This idea that Hitler and Stalin brought about more destruction than religion is, itself, an instance of distorting the truth through the creative use of statistics. In terms of the percentage of the population destroyed, the religious wars of Europe wiped out a substantially higher percentage of the population than Hitler and Stalin, and failed in the systematic extermination of religious heretics only because they lacked the technology to do so, not because they lacked the will.

So, nothing about atheism per se that entails any type of intellectual or moral superiority. Consequently, there is nothing about promoting atheism that entails promoting intellectual or moral virtue – except in the comparatively insignificant sense of knowing one specific proposition to be true; the propositions that no God exists.

On the other hand, if we take our cart and our horse, and we switch places, we might discover a combination that makes infinitely more sense.

We have noted that the more educated a person is, the more likely they are to doubt the existence of God. The trick, then, in promoting atheism is to promote education, and to take a firm stand against disinformation. The trick is to demand better schools, better teachers, better access to universities and other forms of education, more public lectures, more research money, more research facilities (from space telescopes to supercolliders), more intelligent use of information in all aspects of American life.

It also means a condemnation of far more than a belief in God. It means a condemnation of anything that wastes time in the pursuit of fiction over fact – from astrology to astral projection to conspiracy theories. One of my favorite examples in public conversation now is to use Bush as an example of intellectual backwardness – basing his interpretation of military intelligence on his decision to invade Iraq, rather than basing the decision to invade Iraq on the best military intelligence. (He’s still doing it, you know. Given the way Bush’s faith-based brain works, he will give up Jesus before he will give up the idea that invading Iraq was a good idea.)

Most importantly, it means identifying smart candidates for public office and promoting those candidates. (Smart candidates are not necessarily Democratic candidates, by the way. I think that there are important minority factions in the Republican Party that are very respectful of science and intellectual integrity.)

We see the same relationship in ethics. Not all atheists are virtuous, but an argument can be made that a truly virtuous person must be an atheist. In this blog, I have defended the idea that moral conclusions must be grounded on reasons for action that exist. In fact, I have attempted, in a way, to make this a cliché of these posts – to distinguish conclusions based on reasons for action that exist from conclusions based on reasons for action that do not exist.

One of the things that theism gives us – over and over again – is a huge stack of reasons for action that do not exist. Thus, theism gives us the pursuit of ‘goods’ that are not, in fact, good. It employs reasons for action for promoting certain states of affairs and avoiding others that are simply not real. So the ‘goods’ that they promote, are not good. In fact, many of the ‘goods’ that they promote are evils in fact (evils, when we consider only the reasons for action that exist) and many of the evils that they tell us to avoid are good in fact (good, considering the reasons for action that exist.

Even though atheism does not imply virtue, and many atheists can be evil – virtue does require a certain type of atheism, because only atheism can focus attention on reasons for action that exist while abandoning reasons for action that do not exist.

This means that, instead of promoting atheism as a way of promoting virtue, promoting virtue as a way of promoting atheism. This means pointing out that President Bush’s veto of stem cell research is a religiously motivated weapon of mass destruction that will spread far more death and misery than any terrorist bomb This weapon will bring about far more sickness and death than a half-dozen Jihadist nuclear bombs. In this case, is not protecting us from fundamentalists with weapons of mass destruction. He has become one.

It means spreading the idea that the Massachusetts anti-gay-marriage amendment is a religiously motivated weapon of mass destruction as destructive as releasing a neurotoxin into parts of The Big Dig.

Because these types of attacks on peoples’ wellbeing – just like the terrorist attacks we have learned to fear – are examples of religious fundamentalists destroying the lives of others by basing their decisions on reasons for action that do not exist.

In both cases, these types of campaigns have additional virtues. The campaign of promoting reason and education (instead of promoting atheism) can direct its guns against other types of irrational belief systems that make no reference to God. The campaign of promoting virtue based on reasons for action that exist can be used to target reasons for action that do not exist that do not have their roots in religion.

This is not an argument that one should downplay atheism – that one should sweep it under the rug and hope nobody notices while one engages in a campaign to promote education and virtue. Look at the title to this blog. I certainly am not downplaying atheism. However, it does mean that the existence of God is not the most important question – not when people are dying today and will die tomorrow based on ignorance and beliefs in reasons for action that do not exist.

Friday, January 12, 2007

Science and Value

My dog ate my homework.

Well, actually, I don’t have a dog. In fact, my laptop ate the posting I had planned for this evening.

I need a new laptop.

In the time remaining today, with my planned post destroyed, I decided that I would vent some steam about something that has been bothering me.

Will the idiot who came up with the idea that science and religion represent two separate and unrelated spheres of understanding, with science focusing on facts and religion the realm of values, please step forward so that I can pummel you for your stupidity.

Oh, don’t tell me. I know who it is. However, I don’t want to embarrass the Steven J. Gould by mentioning him in public. In many things he was a brilliant man, but he got this one thing – his idea of Nonoverlapping Magisteria, so horribly wrong!

The net of science covers the empirical universe: what is it made of (fact) and why does it work this way (theory). The net of religion extends over questions of moral meaning and value. These two magisteria do not overlap, nor do they encompass all inquiry (consider, for starters, the magisterium of art and the meaning of beauty).

Religion is exactly as poor a source of knowledge about value as it is about science. This is because the priest gets his knowledge of both religion and science from the same source - from the scribbling of people writing down the stories they heard from a bunch of illiterate goat herders who had died years, decades, or centuries earlier.

This Line of Demarcation between science and religion says that the scientist can go ahead and learn about how the physical world works - allowing him to make all sorts of wonderful devices such as bombs that can destroy cities and diseases that can kill millions. Yet, once the scientist invents these things he is supposed to show them to the illiterate goat herders and ask, "What do you want me to do with this? Because, clearly, as I scientist I cannot speak about the value of how this may be used."

Of course, since the illiterate goat herders are all dead (and have been dead for centuries or millennia) the scientist has to take his inventions to the imam, priest, or rabbi who says, "I will use my magic powers to determine what the dead goat herders would have wanted us to do with these devices." We might want to be a bit suspicious that the religious leader is more interested in telling us what he wants the scientist to do with these devices, and his 'magic' involves little more than reading his desires into the intentions of the dead goat herders.

Actually, I don't think that the dead goat herders, or the modern priests who claim to tell us what they wanted, had such a clear grasp of the concept of virtue as some people suggest. In fact, I think that they were as ignorant of the fine points of virtue as they were about atoms and galaxies.

As a result of this line of demarcation, our knowledge of the physical universe has grown considerably. Our understanding of value is locked in the bronze age. We could very much benefit from having scientists turn their considerable intellect to the question of value and, once this is done, use that knowledge to determine how we should be useing these inventions. The illiterate goat herders and the priests who claim to speak for them have nothing useful to tell us.

If we are going to talk about morality, we are going to be talking about intentional actions. If we are talking about intentional actions, then we are talking about the motion of matter through space. If we are talking about the motion of matter through space, then we are talking about something which scientists are particularly well equipped to give us information about.

I have based these writings on a theory of intentional actions that says that those actions follow the formula:

(beliefs + desires) -> intentions -> intentional actions.

Is this some grand and sophisticated theory of intentional actions?

Far from it. Actually, it is rather crude, with a lot of problems - some of which are known, and many of which are not yet known. However, it is the best theory of intentional action that we have today? Why is it the best theory we have today? Because scientists have substantially accepted that there is this prohibition on the study of value - that the subject of value must be left to the priests - and have substantially ignored all aspects of the question of intentional action having to do with value.

I would love to see a better theory of intentional action. If there were such a theory, and if that theory still made use of the concepts of 'belief' and 'desire', I would be more than happy to adjust the specifics of desire utilitarian theory accordingly. If that new and better theory made no use of the concepts of 'belief' and 'desire' - if these went the way of phlogiston and aether as scientific dead ends, then desire utilitarianism will have to die with it. That's fine. That happens. I (unlike the noble priest) am not going to declare that theories that contradict my claims represent heresy whose advocates are to be tortured and killed.

I am more than comfortable with the idea that this belief-desire theory of intentional action is a ‘newtonian’ theory – even a ‘ptolomaic’ theory – of intentional action, filled with holes and questions that are left unanswered. Yet, until Einstein came along, Newton’s theory was the best theory around, and the only theory a sensible person wanting to study the universe could really work with. They were stuck with it – as I am stuck with belief-desire theory.

It is going to take scientists and philosophers to come up with a better theory of intentional action, not priests. Anybody who begins his investigation into the workings of the human mind, expecting to find his scientific propositions empirically laid out and experimentally proven within the Bible itself, is starting off lost.

Recently, I have been spending my exercise time listening to the proceedings of a conference held in California late last year called, "Beyond Belief". I am going through all of the recordings (which should be somewhere near 15 hours worth when I am done). For the most part, it is a collection of scientists who are debating how to deal with the subject of religion - and, specifically, with the fact that because of religion we live in a world overflowing with idiocy - idiocy in control or seeking control of weapons of mass destruction.

As brilliant as these people are, I am struck by the sheer lunacy of some of the claims they make about value.

For the most part, they are still buying into this nonsense that scientists can tell us nothing about value. On the question of homosexuality, one of the speakers said that science could only demonstrate that homosexuality exists in the natural world, and seemed to suggest that (1) this was morally relevant, and (2) its moral relevance was such that it implied that homosexuality was not wrong. This 'not wrongness' of that which is natural, however, was outside of science.

It's outside of science, not because it belongs to some priestly realm of understanding. It is outside of science because it is completely nuts to associate what occurs naturally with right and wrong.

At the same time that those scientists are informing us that homosexuality exists in nature and, thus, is not ‘unnatural’, they can also be telling us that male lions, when they take over a pride, kill their stepchildren. This, too, exists in nature.

Also, I assume (and I think that scientists can demonstrate within a certain degree of certainty), that there is not a single animal in nature that is clicking on and reading this blog that I write each day, and that no animal in nature engages in the activity of writing a blog.

All of this suggests that scientists have the capacity to demonstrate that any priest who says that there is some sort of relationship between activities that can be found in nature and what is morally permissible or impermissible is as daft as the priest who says that the Earth is 6,000 years old.

Yet, when the priest says that the morality of an act can be judged by its representation in nature, that homosexuality is not represented, so it is immoral, the scientist gives the first part of this claim a pass, and moves directly to the second. The scientist even goes so far as to promote the idea that the absurdity that begins this claim cannot be challenged and must be accepted as is because it comes from the priest, who is he who declares all truth about value. I wanted to grab the guy I was listening to around the neck and scream, "You have a brain! Use it!" Yet, he was not the only one who embraced and refused to challenge this absurdity. It seemed to be the consensus of the whole group.

These scientists are supposed to be smart people. Yet, they blinded themselves to this clear piece of nonsense that even a casual look at the natural world would prove to be nonsense – because it had to do with values.

The idea that we can apply reason to moral questions means that a person can say intelligent things about value without consulting a priest. It is not ‘wisdom beyond the grasp of science’ that makes the claims of the priest seem so strange. It is the insanity of absurd reasoning that gives priestly ethics this flavor.

Scientists need to start thinking about what makes sense and say to the priests, "We no longer see any reason to trust your authority on these matters."

Scientists will be starting largely from scratch. Their contemporary theories of value are bound to be as crude as the physical theories of the seventeenth century. Hopefully, they can progress much faster. They have a lot of experience in the realm of physical science that they can apply to the moral sciences.

At least we have reason to hope that they can come up with something at least a little better than the hate- and fear-riddled rantings of a group of illiterate goat herders and the priests who think that they represent the model of moral perfection.

Thursday, January 11, 2007

Obligations towards Children: Teaching Right from Wrong

In what has accidentally become a week-long series on moral responsibilities towards children in a godless context, I have come to a post about teaching morality to children. What is it to teach children the difference between right and wrong?

There are some who would deny that there is such a thing – that evolution itself has written its moral truths into our brains and there is no ‘teaching’ to be done. I hold that this is a nonsense view that flies in the face of reality – in the simple observation that a lot of people do some very bad things. If morality has been coded into our brains by evolution, then we must either conclude that all of this behavior is moral (because it is how we evolved), or evolution somehow missed the moral mark, and it will take something outside of evolution to find it.

Right and wrong is something to be learned – and if we do not teach the difference between right and wrong, we die – or somebody we cares about dies, or suffers some other horrible fate, in some cases worse than death.

Right and wrong is something that has to be taught. And the best time for learning these things is when one is a child and the brain is still malleable.

So, what goes on in teaching right from wrong?

Once again, M, who has been substantially involved in a discussion with me over the past week, has given me an excellent place to start.

Before I go on, I would like to thank M for his contribution. M has been well-spoken and patient, and avoided many of the pitfalls that too often plague these types of discussions. If we were to teach the right and wrong of discussions on these matters, M would be a role model for virtue.

M wrote, "If you believe that you are not bound by any external obligation, and only your own internal whims, then you are a subjectivist through and through."

The question that popped up in my head called my attention to the phrase, "bound by any external obligation," and ask, “What to heck does that mean?”

Clearly, any claim that moral obligations are binding – regardless of whether they are internal or external – has to be taken as a metaphor. They cannot actually be binding. If they were, then nobody would ever do anything wrong. Doing something wrong means that moral obligations are not binding, in any literal sense of the word. And if moral obligations are not binding, then I don’t have to explain why it is that we are not bound by any external obligation.

If somebody wants to interpret a realist moral position as one that says that no person can perform an evil action – because moral obligations (whatever they are) somehow ‘binds’ us and controls our actions – that person would be creating a straw man.

The idea of being bound by moral obligations is not literal, it is metaphorical. The metaphor compares moral obligations to constraints – to something that ‘binds’ a person the way that rope and duct tape can be used to ‘bind’ a person. It prevents them from doing certain things. In the case of morality, it prevents them from killing, raping, assaulting, robbing, and deceiving others.

Moral obligations are not binding until they are installed. And, trust me, we want them installed. More importantly, we want the correct moral obligations installed on people. Otherwise, they will kill you, rape your children, take your property, burn what’s left, and move on to the next house up the street.

We have no difficulty recognizing the value, in certain circumstances, of physically restraining people. If somebody comes after you with a knife, and you cannot run away, your next best option is to restrain him in some way. There are no shortage of arguments stating that captured and convicted terrorists or rapists are to be confined and constrained in some way to protect those who would otherwise be their future victims.

There is no philosophical difference between this and putting on or installing the psychological constraints of moral obligations.

I hold that all intentional actions (and that is what we are seeking to control through the institution of morality - what we are seeking to limit through our moral bindings, are intentional actions) follow the formula:

(beliefs + desires) -> intentions -> intentional actions

If we are going to constrain people's intentional actions - prevent them from committing rape, terrorism, or theft - we need to work on either their beliefs or their desires or both.

Yesterday, in the post, “Obligations towards Children: Education,” I spoke extensively of the value of true beliefs. Of these two entities – beliefs and desires – beliefs have the capacity of being ‘true’ or ‘false’. Desires do not. A ‘belief that P’ is true if and only if P is true. We act to fulfill our desires given our beliefs, and false beliefs stand in the way of desire fulfillment. A person with the false belief that he can fly is at risk of failing to fulfill his desire to get off of a tall building and make it home in time for dinner.

Desires, on the other hand, have no capacity to be true or false. Desires simply exist. In this, desires are like height, weight, age, hair color, pulse, blood pressure, and any other physical property a person has. There is no sense in which a person with a desire for chocolate ice-cream is ‘right’ and the one who desires vanilla is ‘wrong’. This makes no more sense than saying that the person who is 5’11” is the correct height, and the person who is 5’ 10” has the wrong height.

We have the capacity to bind people so that they will not perform certain types of intentional actions by altering their desires. Give a person a strong aversion to blowing up innocent people and that person becomes less likely to strap on a bomb and head off to the local pizza parlor. The stronger the aversion, the smaller the chance of blowing up innocent civilians becomes. Give him an aversion to taking property that does not belong to him and you can leave your purse under your desk at work without fear the money inside will show up missing.

We can bind people against performing certain types of actions by giving them an aversion to performing those actions, and by increasing the power of the desire to perform alternative actions. A person with a strong desire to help others will be too busy helping others to find time to blow anything up.

Now, let's return to M's original statement. "If you believe that you are not bound by any external obligation . . ."

The bindings of an external obligation become effective once they become internalized. To internalize a set of norms is to acquire a set of desires and aversions consistent with those norms. From that moment on, those desires and aversions will determine one’s actions.

Though the binding of an obligation does not exist until it is worn – until it is internalized; the obligation itself exists even before it is worn. The parent who says to a child, “Don’t do that; it is wrong,” is not saying to the child, “Don’t do that. You have an aversion to doing such things.” In many cases, the child will realize that he did not have an aversion to doing what he did. If he had an aversion, he would not have performed the act.

Instead, the parent is saying, “Don’t do that, you should have an aversion to doing such things. Good people have such an aversion. If you do not acquire it, then you are not a good person.”

Desires are not taught to children, or to anybody, through reason. Desires are taught through praise, condemnation, reward, and punishment, and through the development of good habits. There is no set of facts that a person can memorize that will cause him to have an aversion to lying. There is, however, the stern shouting of an angry parent, followed by some form of punishment, that has some historic measure of success at causing children to acquire an aversion to lying.

There is no syllogism that will cause a child to want to help others. At most, he will learn that helping others is sometimes useful. However, helping others for its usefulness is not the same as kindness, and it does nothing to motivate a person to help others in those cases when he realizes, “There is nothing in it for me.”

However, praise at those who are kind, a habit of helping others, and a role-model of kindness all show some promise at molding a child’s desires, so that the child himself becomes somebody who helps others because he likes to help others, and for no other reason.

Lessons such as these explain how children come to be bound by obligations.

Furthermore, people generally have a great many powerful ‘reasons for action that exist’ to motivate parents to put these moral constraints on their children. Of course, we have ‘reasons for action that exist’ to motivate parents to install those moral constraints that promote the fulfillment of other desires, and inhibit the thwarting of other desires.

Some people may talk of other ‘reasons for action’ – such as intrinsic value or God’s wrath. However, those are ‘reasons for action’ that do not exist, so they are not ‘reasons for action’ at all. What some people believe we have reasons for action to have parents install in children is not necessarily the same as what we do in fact have reasons for action that exist to have parents install in children. People – particularly religious people – can be mistaken about the constraints we have ‘reasons for action’ to put on others.

The only ‘reasons for action that exist’ are desires. The only obligations that we have ‘reason for action’ to have parents install in children are those that tend to lead to the fulfillment and avoid the thwarting of other desires. But we certainly do have ‘reasons for action that exist’ to insist in installing those obligations. These are the obligations to be made binding.

Wednesday, January 10, 2007

Obligations Towards Children: Education

Obligations towards Children: Education

I did not plan to write a week long series on parents’ obligations towards their children, but it is turning out this way. That series has reached a point where I would like to talk about education. That is: about giving children true beliefs about the world.

So far, my posts have focused on questions of the child’s well-being. I talked about parents making those choices for a child that the child would make for himself if competent.

In the case of “Pillow-Angel Ashley” , this meant choosing medical procedures that would give her a more comfortable life where she can more easily participate with others.

In the case of “Obese Children,” it meant considering their parents as child abusers – harming their children for the sake of their own convenience (unless there was some underlying medical reason for the obesity).

Yesterday, in “Obligations to Children: Happiness and Desire Fulfillment,” I argued that religion provides children with something that has about the same value as living one’s life in an ‘experience machine’ – where a computer feeds one false beliefs in which her wishes are granted. In fact, such a person lives a wasted life, rotting away while spending his time substantially disconnected from the real world.

Today, I wish to write about the obligation to provide children with true beliefs about the world. We recognize an obligation to educate our children in the fact that they are forced to go to school. Yet, we live in a culture where we ‘educate’ them with myth and nonsense. Shouldn’t our teachers be . . . I don’t know, count be as crazy . . . but shouldn’t they be teaching?

In comments to an earlier post, M wrote that, “irrational, imaginary reasons still cause actions.” I think it is important to know precisely in what sense this statement is true, and in what sense it is false, and in what sense it says something important about our obligations to children.

Let me start with the sense in which this statement is not true. Imaginary reasons do not cause action, any more than imaginary physical forces cause physical objects to change their speed and direction through space. If something is going to have an effect in the real world, then that effective thing must itself be real – not imaginary.

Rationality, Beliefs, End-Desires, and Means-Desires

There are two families of root causes of intentional action: real beliefs and real desires.

Beliefs can be irrational; desires cannot. A person’s desires are like his height, weight, blood pressure, hair color, eye color. Desire statements (when true) describe how a person’s brain is wired just like blood pressure statements (when true) describe how his circulatory system functions. A desire cannot be mistaken just as his blood pressure cannot be mistaken – it is not the type of thing where mistakes of this type are possible.

So, talk about irrational and imaginary reasons has to be talk about irrational beliefs and beliefs in imaginary entities. False and irrational beliefs clearly are causes of action. A person (who is thirsty) who falsely believes that a glass contains clean water will drink from the glass – all else being equal. His false belief both explains and causes his behavior.

Having said this, I need to qualify my statement that desires cannot be irrational. Our term ‘desire’ is ambiguous – having two meanings. We use the world for what we value for its own sake or as an end (for what we desire directly, or that which is the object of our desire). We use the same word for what we value as a means, or as a tool. In the first sense, we can talk about a person wanting sex – for no reason other than that she wants sex. In the second sense we can talk about a person who wants sex (even though she dislikes sex) because she wants to have a baby.

Claims about what we desire as a means or as a tool are really shortcut statements about a collection of our end-desires and our beliefs. The woman in the second case above has an end-desire to have a child and a belief that having sex will increase the chance that she will have a child. This combination of end-desire and belief make up the desire for sex as a means.

What we desire as a means can be irrational because the beliefs that make up such a desire can be irrational. A person who believes that drinking motor oil will get her pregnant may want to drink motor oil. Such a want is irrational – not because the desire to be pregnant is irrational, but because the belief that drinking motor oil causes pregnancy is irrational.

Beliefs can also be false; while end-desires cannot. Take any proposition ‘P’. A person who believes that ‘P’ has the mental attitude that the proposition ‘P’ accurately describes the world. If ‘P’ does not accurately describe the world, then the agent is mistaken.

However, even if ‘P’ does not accurately describe the world, the agent who believes that ‘P’ will act as if ‘P’ accurately describes the world. Sometimes, this can lead to disastrous consequences. A person who believes he can fly will act as if he can fly – except when it comes to actually flying. At that point, reality will take over, and the agent’s belief will not prevent him from crashing to the ground.

Another false belief that some people have is that if you believe something strongly enough – if you really wish it to come true – then it will come true. There are billions of people who have died ugly deaths who would otherwise be able to testify to the fact that this is not the case.

False Beliefs and the Thwarting of Desires

Now, I have looked at the sense in which “irrational, imaginary reasons still cause action.” False beliefs still cause action. A person will act on his beliefs regardless of whether they accurately describe the real world.

In other words, end-desires identify the ends, goals, or objectives of intentional action and cannot be judged for reasonableness, while beliefs identify the means to accomplishing those ends and can be judged for reasonableness. Means-desires can also be judged for reasonableness, because they contain beliefs. Think of this in terms of planning a trip. Desires pick the destination, while beliefs choose the route.

Using this analogy, we can easily identify two ways in which false beliefs – or a flawed map – can thwart the fulfillment of our desires or keep us from reaching a preferred destination.

(1) The map might to fail to accurately show the available routes. The map says that there is a road through the mountains. It does not say that the road is closed during the winter and there is a risk that travelers will get snowed in. False beliefs may cause a person to take a route towards the fulfillment of his desires that is not open to him – a route that might even get him killed.

(2) The map might incorrectly identify destinations. Our agent might want to travel to New York. The map says that there is a city called New York on the shores of the Potomac River. The agent plans his trip, only to discover that the city he ends up in has no Statue of Liberty, no Broadway, no Time’s Square, no Rockefeller Center. False beliefs may cause a person to think that his desire to help people requires that he burn them at the stake to chase out the demons that reside inside of him. He burns his friend at the stake. Only, there were no demons and his friend suffers for no good reason.

An alternative to (2) exists when there are places marked on the map that are not real. The agent has a map which clearly marks the location of Atlantis and Shangra-la. He plans his trip. He gets to the correct coordinates. Only, the place he was looking for is not there. He has wasted all of that effort for nothing. As an added bit of cruelty, he has convinced many of his friends to follow him. He knows that he has convinced them and they are on their way. Only, he cannot go back to warn them. They, too, are flying or sailing into a dead end.

Good Education

Any time we fill a child’s head with false beliefs, we mess with the map that they will use to plot the course to the fulfillment of their desires. We mislabel destinations, add destinations that do not exist in fact, or misidentify a route.

Those mistakes are relatively harmless when we make mistakes on those parts of the map that our children will never use. For somebody is planning a road trip from San Francisco to Seattle, a flaw or lack of detail in his map of South Africa or of the Sea of Tranquility on the moon is of little significance. On the other hand, a mistake on his map of Ohio could have serious consequences. We have reason to pay more attention to those parts of the map that will actually be used – to the knowledge that a child will actually use in his life – than on those distant places or facts he will only read about.

This does not mean that we should discourage a curiosity about other places. If our agent has an interest in South Africa or the moon they may acquire an interest in maps far beyond their actual usefulness. Practical knowledge is not the only type of knowledge worth having. However, it is clearly worth having.

In this sense, flawed maps, irrational beliefs, and beliefs in imaginary things, do influence a person’s plans. Sometimes, those mistakes get people killed. Avoiding these mistakes explains why it is important not to have flawed maps or false beliefs. All of those human activities that provide children with flawed maps do them some measure of harm by putting them at risk of suffering the consequences of error.

These flaws include identifying destinations that do not exist (e.g., heaven), mislabeling places that do exist (e.g., calling homosexuality and abomination), failing to accurately describe the routes to those destinations (you can prevent hurricanes by coercing children to pray), or any combination of the above (you can obtain a free ticket for the people that you choose to enter heaven if you fly this airplane into that building over there).

The tragedy in the last example above is not only found in the fact that this person has decided to kill others in order to get to his destination (a fact that is even more evil than it is tragic), but in the fact that he has thrown away his own life. He will not reach the destination he has set out for. His friends and family have no ticket to heaven. He is dead, and his friends and family have less than they had before the attack. Those friends and family have to live in a world filled with even more violence, until they die.

Conclusion

People who truly want to help children find their way through life will equip those children with the best and most up-to-date maps available. Those maps are based on the best information we have available – made by people who have gone to the effort of actually going out and checking to make sure (through experiments and observation) that their maps actually represent the real world as closely as we can make it match.

No sane parent will give their child a map that is 1300 or 2000 years old and older and expect that map to do a decent job of helping that child find her way. The world has changed a lot in 2000 years. More importantly, the map makers living 2000 years ago knew so little about the world, that their maps are practically worthless today. Those who give their children these ancient maps, and tell their children that these ancient maps are necessarily free of all possible error, are raising children who will only get lost in the real world – wasting their life traveling to destinations that do not exist along routes that are closed.

Worse – and this will be the topic of tomorrow’s post – those lost children will end up hurting a lot of other people along the way.

Tuesday, January 09, 2007

Obligations towards Children: Happiness and Desire Fulfillment

For the last couple of days, my arguments have been about a parent or guardian’s moral responsibility towards children. I have argued that a parent, making decisions on a child’s behalf, should be governed by the principle of deciding for children what those children would decide for themselves if they were competent to do so.

In “Consent and Dignity: The Case of Ashley” I argued that Ashley’s parents were being good and responsible parents by making decisions for Ashley that will better fulfill Ashley’s own future desires.

In “Obese Children” I argued that the parents of obese children are abdicating their moral responsibilities to their children by giving those children desires and habits more likely to contribute to future misery.

There is another way that parents can fail their children – by giving those children desires that are impossible to fulfill.

To explain this fully, I wish to use an argument that both explains what desire fulfillment is, and argues against one of the most popular theories of value among atheists – the idea that value resides ultimately in happiness. It is a classic argument against happiness theory that asks about the value of life inside of an “experience machine.”

The Experience Machine

Congratulations on the birth of your new child. Of course, as good parents, you want your child to be happy. I have here a machine that will guarantee your child as much happiness as she can possibly have. We put your child inside of this machine and hook her up, then we run this computer program that will give your child the experience of living an ideal life.

While your child is lying in this chamber, she will be caused to believe that she is a princess growing up in a royal household. Do not worry about the possibility that she will not want to be a princess growing up in a kingdom; our machine will give her these desires as well. Our program has the subjects of this kingdom living calm and blissful lives in perfect awe and admiration of their most precious princess. When she grows up, our program will introduce her to a handsome prince, equally admired by all, who will win your daughter’s affection.

If you are worried that your daughter will be bored, and that this will lead to unhappiness, rest assured that we have taken care of that. The program will give your daughter challenges to overcome. She will even fail to overcome some of them – the smaller and less important ones. However, she will always succeed in overcoming the most important challenges. Of course, she will not know that she will succeed. We have discovered that we must introduce at least the fear of failure. However, these slight sorrows have been introduced only because they are necessary to bring about even greater happiness.

We have engineered our program so that once your daughter thinks she has reached the age of twenty –five, she will not age any further. She will, in fact, not know death. Of course, we can’t work miracles. Your daughter will eventually die. However, from your daughter’s point of view, she will no none of it. She will cease to have experiences without knowing that she has ceased to have experiences. In the mean time, you would have provided your daughter with as much happiness as her life could hold.

Refuting Happiness Theories of Value

Many readers, I suspect, would view the life of a person laying in a chamber being fed a program of imaginary success would still find something missing from such a life. Actually, if I imagine myself laying in a tube while some computer program tickled the relevant parts of my brain to produce ‘happiness’, I would rather be dead. I would already be as good as dead, for all such a life would be worth. Putting a child into such a situation, and requiring that she spend her whole life there, is the moral equivalent of killing that child.

This type of claim hardly counts as an argument. However, we would have an argument against the happiness theory of value and in favor of some alternative if we could find a theory that explains these and other sentiments.

The reason such a life has little value is because humans do not value happiness – or, at least, they value things other than happiness that an experience machine cannot provide.

Desire utilitarianism states that value exists as a relationship between states of affairs and desires, that desires are propositional attitudes, and an agent with a desire that ‘P’ for some proposition ‘P’ seeks to create or preserve states of affairs in which ‘P’ is true.

The problem with the experience machine – the reason it does not produce value, is that propositions that are the objects of our desires are not made or kept true by such a machine. We are made to believe that they are made or kept true, but our beliefs are mistaken. Our desires are being thwarted.

An experience machine cannot fulfill my desire to “make the world a better place than it would have otherwise been if I had not lived,” because the experience machine cannot make this proposition true. It can cause me to believe that I have made this proposition true (the purpose behind my writing this blog), but it cannot make the proposition true in fact. As such, it can give me happiness, but cannot create a state that has value to me.

This theory not only explains and predicts choices where people refuse to enter into such an experience machine, it would also explain and predict choices where people opt for such a machine. For example, a person who only desires happiness will have no reason to refuse entering the machine. In this case, the machine will make or keep true the propositions that are the objects of his desire – specifically, the proposition “I am happy.” It will tickle the parts of his brain in exactly the right way to produce this state called ‘happiness’ and, if that is what the agent wants, that is what he will receive.

Desire fulfillment theory defeats happiness theory is in its ability to explain both those who enter the machine and those who refuse. Happiness theory cannot explain those who refuse.

The happiness theory of value – perhaps the most popular theory among atheists who try to argue that morality is possible without God – is just plain wrong.

Religion as an Experience Machine

If the above argument is sound, then a parent’s duties to their children is not to provide them with happiness, but to help them to fulfill their desires. The experience machine is ruled out (in almost all cases) because the desires of the children (and the adult they become) are not fulfilled. Even if the individual comes to believe that his desires are or will be fulfilled, the life still has been robbed of most of its value – most of its meaning – because that which the child (and later adult) thought she had accomplished never happened, or never will happen.

Religion, in this context, is somewhat clumsy and crude version of the experience machine.

Many of the arguments in defense of religion these days – that it provides a person with comfort, that it helps them to avoid the suffering of loss, and that it provides the faithful with (an illusion of) meaning – are all claims consistent with making religion comparable to experience machines. It provides people with a set of desires that cannot be fulfilled and, like the experience machine, fills them with false beliefs that those desires are being fulfilled, in order to induce a psychological state of happiness.

This happiness is qualitatively no different than the happiness of a person, laying in a chamber, being fed stimuli that the brain turns into beliefs that she is a popular and beautiful princess about to marry a charming prince that will make her the envy of the entire kingdom.

In fact, her desire to be an admired princess cannot be fulfilled because there is no kingdom for her to be a princess of. Her desire to marry a charming prince is unfulfilled because the prince does not exist. No person’s desire to serve God can ever be fulfilled because there is no God to serve. Nobody can purchase a ticket for their friends and relatives to enter heaven because there is no heaven for them or their relatives to enter.

This is the message that I attempted to convey in an earlier posting called, “The Meaning of Life.”

The meaning that a religious person finds serving God is no different than the meaning that our ‘princess’ finds in becoming the fiancé of the perfect (though imaginary) prince and the object of admiration for the fictitious citizens of a fictitious kingdom. The life of a religious person has meaning in the same way that the life of the woman lying in a chamber having her brain tickled by a computer program has meaning.

There may be an exception to this. If a person, because of their religion, acquires a desire to help real-world people deal with real-world problems, this desire to help real-world people deal with real-world problems can be fulfilled. People put into a religious “experience machine” are not zombies doing nothing. They are still agents who are acting, they still have the capacity to have desires relevant to the real world, and there is still the possibility that some of those desires are fulfilled.

However, while some in the religious experience machine may desire to help others (and actually do so), they may could still suffer from two problems. They could have bad ideas about what counts as “helping” – where the experience machine causes them to believe that something is helpful to others when it is actually harmful, or it could feed them desires to do harm to others “in the name of God”. The fact that people in a religious experience machine interacts with others (in ways that the girl in the fictitious experience machine mentioned above does not) does not automatically produce good consequences.

Monday, January 08, 2007

Obese Children

Yesterday, I wrote in defense of Ashley’s parents, who subjected their child to some unconventional medical procedures in order to give their disabled child a better future.

In that article, I wrote that the obligations that caretakers have is to make those decisions for their charges that those charges would have made for themselves if they were competent to do so. That is to say, those choices should fulfill the moral desires of the charge, weighing present and future fulfillment.

In a comment to a post a few days ago called, “http://atheistethicist.blogspot.com/2007/01/family-planning.html,” Spider63 made a comment about childhood obesity, linking to something he had written on the issue.

Applying the arguments I used in Ashley's case to the situation with respect to obese children, I must conclude that the parents of obese children are guilty of the moral wrongs that Ashley's parents are wrongfully accused of violating. These parents, in many cases, are choosing things for their children that those children would not choose for themselves if they were competent to do so. These moral mistakes will often result in significant harm, and even early death, to those children.

Indeed, except in cases where involuntary medical conditions are the source of obesity, a picture of an obese child is akin to a picture of a child with cuts and bruises where one knows that the child’s parents are responsible for those cuts and bruises. It is morally approximate to a picture of a parent sexually abusing the child. In all three cases, we have parents behaving towards a child in a way that damages the child’s future. Instead of a future in which the child’s desires will be fulfilled, we have a future in which the child will suffer the desire-thwarting effects of poor health and early death.

I want to take this opportunity to make a few comments about desires and the education and training of children. Specifically, there are four claims about desires that are relevant here.

(1) People always choose that which will fulfill the more and the stronger of their current desires, given their beliefs. One of the reasons that children are rightfully considered incompetent to act in their own interests is because they have a poor set of beliefs. Fulfilling their desires given their beliefs is a poor way for them to fulfill their desires.

(2) People only fulfill future desires to the degree that they (a) have a present desire that their future desires be fulfilled, and/or (b) have present desires that tend to result in the fulfillment of future desires, even though the fulfillment of future desires is not a part of their intention. In this, future desires motivate an agent in the present in the same way that the desires of other people motivate an agent in the present. The only way for your desires to motivate my action would be if I had a desire that your desires be fulfilled (or thwarted). Also, your desires can be fulfilled by my actions if I happen to have desires that fulfill your desires.

(3) Some desires tend to fulfill or thwart other desires. I have typically written about this in terms of desires that tend to fulfill or thwart the desires of other people. However, it is also true that there are desires that tend to fulfill or thwart other desires of the same person. Strong desires for (excess) alcohol, tobacco, drugs, or food are desires that tend to thwart other desires. Desires for exercise and knowledge count as desires that tend to fulfill other desires. These are, in fact, examples of desires that tend to fulfill or thwart future desires as well.

(4) Desires are most malleable during childhood. This is a desire-equivalent to the fact that beliefs are most malleable during childhood. Look at all that a child learns between, say, one and six years of age, and compare it to any other time in the child’s life, and we see dramatic change. That dramatic change is the consequence of a malleable brain structure undergoing its most rapid change. That rapid change also affects desires, and will go a long way to determining what that child wants to be when he grows up. It will go a long ways to determining what a child wants when he grows up.

A particularly gifted child would realize that this was the time for him to give himself those desires that will make the rest of his life that much easier. There is a unique benefit when one acts on a desire that fulfills other desires. It is play, rather than work. Work is what happens when one has to put the fulfillment of other desires against a current aversion – overcoming the aversion to bring about the fulfillment of those other desires. Play is what happens when one gets to do what one wants – and good play is when one wants those things that also have benefits. Given a choice, our super-rational and wise child would use childhood as an opportunity to harvest good desires.

However, I doubt that there has ever been a child that was so rational and wise.

Failing this, the rational and wise child would select to have somebody responsible for the formation of his desires who is rational and wise and loving enough to see that the child acquires those desires that will serve him well in the future – a taste for good food, a love of knowledge, and a fondness for things that require physical effort, or a fondness for physical effort itself.

We, in society, have ‘reasons for action’ for demanding that a parent provide their children with moral desires. We have no reason to want other people to raise children who are a threat to us – or to our own children. Thus, we have reason to praise those parents who are effective at raising good children – children who grow to be adults who are compassionate rather than vicious, helpful rather than demanding, skilled rather than inept, and knowledgeable rather than ignorant.

However, in acquiring this compassion and concern for others, we acquire ‘reason for action’ to demand that parents want to give their children those things that the children will be able to make the most use of as adults. We have reason to want parents to give their children a good education - not only for the sake of the benefits our children will have in living in an intelligent community, but for the sake of those other children themselves. We have reason to demand that a parent give their children those desires that will help the children fulfill their other desires.

The desires for the welfare of children is what motivates us, when we see a child who is bruised and battered, to go after the adult who did this to him, to call that adult an abuser, and to demand that the situation stop. In most cases, perhaps some counseling will be sufficient. In the most severe cases, the child may be made better off by being placed with those who show more concern for the child’s welfare and the child’s future. Any who argue that a child belongs with his family will need to explain why this is better than placing the child with somebody who more obviously cares for the child’s welfare. We allow that the bruises might have been the result of an accident, but we ask questions, as a part of our obligation to make sure that this is the case, and the child is not in danger.

There is reason to have the sight of an obese child render the same reaction. We have just as good a reason to go after the adults who did this to him, to call those adults abusers, and to demand an end to that situation. We have reason to recommend – and even demand – some sort of social intervention. Perhaps the parents need some help setting up a better regime of diet and exercise. If the parents show that they do not care enough for the child to make these types of changes, then the child may be better off in the hands of others who do actually care for the child’s health and well-being. We must allow that the situation might be the result of a medical condition that is out of the parents’ control, but we have reason to ask questions, and to take action for the sake of the child if we do not get satisfactory answers.

In the case of older children, we may also encounter instances where the situation is not the parents’ fault. There have been instances in which the best and most concerned parents have suffered through children who become hooked on alcohol, tobacco, drugs, sex, violence, and other forms of self-destructive behavior. The older the child becomes, the more the child is responsible for his or her own choices, and the less the parent is responsible. So, my comments above have to be taken as particularly relevant to the well-being of younger children. If a seventeen-year-old often shows up drunk at school, we may reasonably hold the seventeen-year-old responsible. If the seven-year-old often shows up at school drunk, we are far more justified in casting a suspicious eye on his parents or guardians.

A seven-year-old who is overeating to the point of obesity gives us good reason to cast the same suspicious eye on his parents or guardians as well.

So we have national criticism of one set of parents, those of Ashley who I wrote about yesterday, who are clearly taking steps to provide their child with a future in which that child’s own desires can be better fulfilled. At the same time, we allow parents who are doing untold harm to their children, putting their children in a state that will their future desires will be so clearly thwarted, are allowed to continue their abuse unchallenged.

Ashley’s parents are condemned by some who claim that they are sacrificing their daughter’s dignity for the sake of their own convenience. I have argued that parents have a right to consider their convenience to some extent. However, in Ashley’s case, the young girl is almost certainly being provided with a benefit as well.

We can ask what the parents of obese children are doing. It is not unreasonable to hold that many of them are also seeking their own benefit. It takes effort to get a child to eat what it should, not eat what it should not, and put down the video game control and go out and get some exercise. However, in this case, the parents obtain their own convenience at the expense of the child. They are doing, in fact, what Ashley’s parents were wrongfully accused of doing. Here, we have a case in which the people being accused of a wrongdoing are innocent, and those who are actually guilty are not being accused.

The world would be a better place if we were to adjust our attitudes somewhat on these matters.

Sunday, January 07, 2007

Consent and Dignity: The Case of Ashley

The news recently has contained the story of Ashley and her parents. Ashley is a young girl afflicted with a brain condition that did not allow her brain to develop. She is currently 9 years old, but has the brain of an infant. She will not be getting any better.

The story concerns the fact that her parents had doctors perform medical treatments designed to keep her small, and in a permanent child-like state. Procedures includes high doses of estrogen to limit her height, a hysterectomy to avoid menstruation, and surgical removal of breast buds to limit breast development.

All of this makes her easier to care for, her parents report. It is easier to get her out on family trips, to move her (as her condition requires she be moved since she cannot move herself), and to save her discomforts that would afflict her as physically mature adult.

Right or wrong?

Let’s start with this: The article where I first encountered this case stated, “The parents insist that the treatment, carried out in 2004, was conceived for Ashley's benefit and not their own ease or convenience.”

Technically, this is false.

A person’s choices are those actions that best fulfill their own desires, given their beliefs. The most altruistic person in the world (the person with the strongest desire that somebody else is well off) still has some interest in his or her own ease and comfort.

Assume that a person has two options available. Both options will equally provide for the person that the agent cares for. One of which would be extremely burdensome on the agent, while the second is extremely easy. If the agent has no care to his or her own ease or convenience, he would see these two options as a wash. Faced with the option, he would shrug his shoulders and say, “It does not matter to me.” Clearly, his desire for his own ease and comfort would affect his decision. All else being equal, he will select the easier option.

We can change the case slightly, so that the burdensome option provides the patient with only the slightest personal benefit. Yet, for the caretaker the act is similar to putting one’s hand in a hot fire. Clearly, in this case, the caretaker’s decision will still not be guided entirely by what is in the best interest of the patient. He will conclude that the slight benefit to the patient is not worth such great discomfort.

We all would. That is how desires work.

These facts are the foundation for an argument for personal autonomy and liberty. Whenever we put one person’s decisions in the hands of another person, that other person will necessarily compromise the well-being of the patient for his own ease and comfort (or the fulfillment of whatever other desires he might have) to some extent. It may be miniscule, and his efforts on behalf of the patient may be above and beyond the call of duty, but it will never reach the point of complete disregard for the fulfillment of his other desires.

Even if the agent sacrifices his own life, his other desires (those served by living) are not disregarded. They are, instead, outweighed.

However, there are cases in which an individual simply is not capable of making decisions for herself – of guiding her own life. In this case, in spite of the inherent flaws, it is necessary to trust decisions about her welfare to somebody else. Preferably, it will be somebody with a strong desire that her (the patient’s) desires be fulfilled.

In this case, what types of decisions should we be hoping for?

What we should hope for is that the agent will make those choices for the patient that the patient would make for herself if she were able – and that are morally permissible. The patient, in turn, will seek to choose that option that best fulfills her own desires; limited by the moral prohibition that there are wrong actions – actions that a patient with good desires will not perform.

The question, in this case, is whether Ashley’s parents are choosing those actions that Ashley would choose for herself, if she were able.

Of course, this criterion of what Ashley would choose for herself if she were able is a little tricky. We are not to seek the answer to what Ashley would choose for herself if she were to suddenly become a fully functional person. We must keep in mind that this thought experiment still has us imagining Ashley making decisions for the mentally handicapped person she is in the real world. We have to imagine a case in which Ashley were to ask, “Given that I have the mental capacity of an infant, and always will have, what option would I choose?”

Above, I said that Ashley’s parents will never be able to make a fully altruistic choice. As it turns out, they do not need to be. We are asking here about the choice that a good Ashley will make – an Ashley who, we may assume, will have desires compatible with the fulfillment of the desires of others. A good person, we may assume, would consider it relevant to consider whether a procedure will make life easier on her caregivers.

If I knew that I was about to face some debilitating illness, and my wife would need to take care of me, I would undergo certain procedures that would make her life easier. We are permitted, in making choices for Ashley, that a good Ashley would have some interest in the well-being of her caregivers. To some degree, the self-interest of the caregivers does not present a moral problem.

Yet, some people (particularly agents for organizations representing disabled persons) had a harsh reaction to news of these decisions.

The article reports,

Mary Johnson, editor of Ragged Edge, an online magazine for disability activists . . . said she felt for Ashley's parents and could understand why they had made the decision. But she feared that the treatment would open a Pandora's box that could have adverse effects for other children. "What will now be said in the case of a child with spina bifida, who you could argue has the same physical challenges but whose brain is fully functioning? This is very troubling.

Let us not overlook the fact that Mary Johnson was talking about a person whose brain “is fully functioning”.

The decision in these cases is based on what the agent would choose for herself if she were able to choose. In Ashley’s case, I have trouble coming up with any desire that Ashley herself will be expected to have that will be thwarted by the procedure – other than the desire to avoid the discomfort of the surgery itself. She will not even suffer the psychological harm of knowing she is different, or a thwarting of any desire to have children. She will, instead, apparently have desires fulfilled of being around her parents and being involved in activities.

In the case of the spina bifida patient with the fully functioning brain, we may assume here that they will have a fully functioning set of normal desires. Many of those desires would be thwarted by such a procedure. Thus, the procedure is not one that the patient “would have chosen for herself if she were able to choose”.

Ashley’s father reports that he has also been criticized for, “harming Ashley's dignity.” “Dignity” is a social construct. If there is any “loss of dignity”, it does not come from Ashley’s parents. It comes from others who cannot look at her situation, recognize that she is happier this way, and accept her. These people allegedly concerned with dignity are those saying that, for the sake of dignity, a loving father must force his already handicapped daughter to endure suffering and depravation that could otherwise be avoided. Has she not suffered enough without forcing this so-called “dignity” upon her?

Dignity is not preserved by forcing people to be what we want them to be, and in rejecting (with disgust?) the results of what they would choose for themselves if they are able. To say that Ashley has less dignity in this state – a state in which she will likely be more comfortable and enjoy more experiences – is like saying anybody not of normal height and development is inherently suffering from some deprivation in their dignity.

The idea that there is some “loss of dignity” in Ashley being happier than she would have otherwise been, and that to protect her ‘dignity’ that we must force misery upon her, is simply absurd.

Dignity consists in accepting people in whatever state they are most comfortable in themselves, so long as they are not a threat to others.

Saturday, January 06, 2007

Belief, Evidence, and the Justification of Harm

I consider subjectivism to be a particularly pernicious doctrine – because it basically boils down to, “If I wish you dead, then you deserve to die.” If Sam Harris, Richard Dawkins, et al., are going to campaign to convert the world to atheism, I would prefer it if atheists were not holding onto a view of ethics that was at least as prone to irrationality and abuse as scripture.

To help understand a little of why I hold this position, and the position itself, I wish to address some comments that Atheist Observer made to yesterday’s post. Atheist Observer wrote:

While one can work out a logical objective relationship of ethics based on the "encouraging desires that fulfill other desires" it would seem the desires that are being thwarted or fulfilled may be in some respects subjective.

Take cooperation and competition. I may desire to see competition be promoted in society because I think it brings out the greatest effort in people. You may think cooperation should be promoted because you desire society to accomplish great things and you feel the greatest accomplishments are achieved through cooperation.

We could both see our positions as best to fulfill others' desires, but have quite different views of what should be encouraged.

I'm in no way arguing from the "everything is subjective" perspective, but that in the desires we have, and how we see them fulfilling the desires of others we can't totally escape some degree of subjectivity.

Before I go on to use these comments to explain some of my own views, I want to state that my interest in using this quote is to create a ‘Rosetta stone’ of sorts that compares the statements that Atheist Observer wrote to statements that I would write. It is a translation from one language into another that I hope will better make the one language understandable. Towards this end, I thought it might be useful to present an account of what goes through my mind as I read a comment such as this.

At the end of the first paragraph, I read the words “…the desires that are being thwarted or fulfilled may be in some respects subjective.”

The word subjective has multiple meanings, and I wonder which meaning the author has in mind. There is one sense of the word in which I insist that all value is subjective – this being the sense that says that value terms are irretrievably about mental states. Value exists in the form of relationships between states of affairs and desires. Desires are mental states. Anybody who asserts that value exists in a form independent of mental states is mistaken. All value is subjective in this sense. Is this the sense that the author has in mind?

I am presented with an example. There are two agents. Agent one has “a desire to see competition being promoted.” This is because the agent “thinks it brings out the greatest effort in people.” The other agent has “may think that cooperation should be promoted.” This agent’s reason is because the agent “desires society to accomplish great things” and “feels the greatest accomplishments are achieved through cooperation.”

So, Agent 1 has a belief that competition “brings out the greatest effort in people.” Agent 2 has the belief that cooperation brings about great accomplishments.

What does it take for an effort, or an accomplishment to be great?

‘Great’ is a value-laden term. For an effort to be great, there must be many and/or strong reasons to promote that effort. The only type of ‘reasons’ that exist are desires. So, a ‘great effort’ must be one that, directly or indirectly, fulfills many strong desires. Any other evaluation of an effort either does not make any reference to reasons for action at all, or makes references to reasons for action that do not exist. In these cases, there are no real ‘reasons for action’ for promoting the level of effort. The speaker’s suggestion that something for which there is no real ‘reason for action’ to promote is ‘great’ is nonsense. That is, unless, we define ‘great’ to be synonymous with ‘ordinary’, ‘unimportant’, ‘insignificant’, or any other term indicating that which we have no reason to be concerned about.

Now, the author does not say that greatest effort is the product of competition, but only that Agent 1 ‘thinks’ that this is the case. Agent 2 “feels [that] the greatest accomplishments are achieved through cooperation.”

Well, another agent may ‘think that’ an eye could not exist unless it had a designer, or ‘feel that’ God is present in a beautiful sunset. That a person ‘thinks that’ or ‘feels that’ something is the case, does not imply that it is the case. I dismiss anybody’s claim that Agent 2 “feels that” cooperation brings great accomplishments for exactly the same reason that I dismiss anybody’s claim that he “feels that” God is present in a sunset.

Feelings are not to be trusted. Only facts.

If it is not possible for cooperation to bring great accomplishments to be true in fact, then feeling that cooperation brings great accomplishments is a hallucination. If it is not possible for competition to bring out the greatest effort in people is true in fact, then ‘thinking that’ it does involves believing a fiction.

Building social policy on hallucination and fiction is not a very wise plan. I will admit that hallucinations are subjective – they exist only in the mind of the person who is having them. And one person’s hallucinations may not coincide with the hallucinations of another. However, I also hold that these hallucinations are to be ignored. They deserve as much respect as sources of knowledge as faith. And that one person ‘thinks’ is the case is to be weighed in decision making only to the degree that he can demonstrate that it is true.

Next, I come to a paragraph that states, “We could both see our positions as best to fulfill others' desires, but have quite different views of what should be encouraged.”

Of course, people are going to have different views on what should be encouraged. We clearly have an example here of two people who are in disagreement. There is disagreement, for example, over the existence of God and what happens to a person after death. Some ‘think that’ there is no life after death, and others ‘feel that’ there must be something of a person that survives death.

However, the claim that subjectivists defend is that a person can ‘think that’ something is the case and use that ‘something’ as a basis for deciding who lives, who dies, who remains free, and who goes to prison, even though he has no evidence supporting what he thinks and, in fact, no evidence is even possible. Because what he ‘thinks’ is the case is the type of thing that does not allow for evidence or proof – it is ‘true’ merely because the person ‘thinks that’ it is true.

The problem is not one of disagreement. It is one of disagreement based on beliefs with evidence – belief in things that lack evidence, or even the possibility of evidence.

If there is a mere difference of opinion, that is fine. Let us try to evidence for or against the various option. However, if there is a difference of opinion about something for which there is not and can never be evidence, I have to ask, “Why have those opinions? And, more importantly, why insist that they play a central role in determining who to kill and who to let live?”

Now, I am not at all inclined to condemn a person who ‘thinks that’ or ‘feels that’ something is the case without evidence – without anything to be said for making that case that what he ‘thinks’ or ‘feels’ is the case is in fact the case. However, I do hold that these beliefs that are immune to evidence are the last things to be weighed in any question of who is to be harmed, and to what degree.

That is to say, people generally have more and stronger ‘reasons for action that exist’ (desires) for giving these beliefs-in-things-that-can-never-be-proved-or-disproved-because-they-exist-outside-the-realm-of-proof the least consideration in its deliberation, then the high status that they enjoy today.

Atheist Observer, I value your comments. Please do not take this posting as harsh criticism. In a context such as this, it is hard to provide the inflection and tone that would communicate that my intention here is only to explain how I deal with some of the concepts that I find in your post. Yes, it is true, I think that you are giving ‘beliefs that cannot be proved’ more weight than they deserve. I hope I have explained the nature of this disagreement. I also hope that you take this explanation in the spirit that I intended it.

Friday, January 05, 2007

Answering M on Subjectivism

This is theory weekend again, and I opt to spend this weekend addressing comments that M made in an earlier post.

I have limited space, and much of what I wish to write about can be found in one sentence that M wrote.

There is nothing incorrect about the idea that we can invent ethics to suit ourselves, so long as we truly believe them, and our ethics is logically sound.

First: "There is nothing wrong with believing X so long as you truly believe it."

There is an immediate problem with believing X if there is no objective reason to believe it. What this phrase talks about is pretty much the same as believing something on the basis of faith. There is this proposition X that one wants to believe is true. One has no objective reason to believe that it is true. In fact, in the case of moral subjectivism, the person not only asserts that there is no objective evidence for X but that X really isn’t true in fact, it is just believed to be true, even though it really isn’t true.

To believe any proposition X is to believe that 'X' is true. This is the definition of a belief. A belief is a propositional attitude – an attitude towards a proposition. That proposition could be, “God exists” or “1 + 1 = 2” or “roses are red” or “abortion is wrong.” Whatever that proposition is, to believe that proposition X is to have the attitude that ‘X’ is true.

Beliefs are one of two families of propositional attitudes. The other family is ‘desires’. Where beliefs are attitudes that a proposition ‘X’ is true, desires are attitudes that a proposition ‘X’ is to be made or kept true. Combined, beliefs and desires explain any intentional action. Why did Bush order the invasion of Iraq? The answer can be found in the beliefs and desires that Bush had at the time.

If somebody truly believes X, and 'X' is not true, there is a problem.

If a person truly believes X, and that person truly believes 'X' is NOT true (in the sense that there is no problem with believing that X is false), he has a bigger problem.

Finally, if a person truly believes X, and truly believes that 'X' is not true, and believes that his beliefs must be logically sound, then he has a set of beliefs that rival any theology for incoherence.

Second: there is nothing incorrect about the ides that we can invent ethics to suit ourselves.

This phrase is a little ambiguous.

Desire utilitarianism is very much a "we can invent ethics to suit ourselves" ethical theory. It identifies a good desire as one that tends to fulfill other desires, and bad desires as those that tend to thwart other desires. This says nothing other than that morality is an institution that is directed to the fulfillment of desires generally speaking. In other words, it is something that we invent to ‘suit ourselves’.

However, the phrase quoted above is ambiguous. There is a difference between us inventing something to suit ourselves, and me inventing something to suit myself.

To illustrate the difference, imagine a group of people gathered to watch a football game. They decide to order a pizza. One pizza for everybody. We start with each person identifying the toppings that they would put on a pizza that they would get from themselves. However, from here, they inter into a negotiation of sorts, trying to find the one pizza that will fulfill the more and the stronger of all of their desires for pizza toppings. The pizza that they come up with – the one they finally order – need not be consistent with any individual’s list.

With morality, we are not choosing pizza toppings. We are choosing malleable desires. We are choosing malleable desires in the sense that we can only choose desires that are on the menu. If a desire is not on the menu, then there is no use choosing it. Furthermore, we are not just choosing for ourselves or a set of game viewers, but everybody. Moral questions are questions about what desires everybody should have.

Just as with pizza toppings, there is an answer to the question of which malleable desires best suit ourselves. We can objectively know that pepperoni with extra cheese will better suit ourselves than ground glass with extra motor oil. Similarly, we can know that we are better off in a society of people who desire charity and honesty than in a society of individuals urged to value rape and deception.

Third: Our ethics is logically sound.

To illustrate this point, M wrote:

For example, I might believe that it is ok to murder a human. You might ask me if it is ok for someone to murder me. If I respond "no", then you need only show that any distinction between me and another human is rationally unsound; my argument falls apart, and it turns out that I did not truly believe.

What is logically unsound about "nobody but me may kill another person for the pure joy of killing?"

It is true that if I hold:

  • All A's are X's
  • A(n) is an A.
  • A(n) is not an X

That this is incoherent.

However, if I hold:

  • All A's except A(n) are X's
  • A(n) is an A
  • A(n) is not an X

This is perfectly coherent.

One may say, "you have no objective reason for saying A(n) is not an X. You cannot arbitrarily exclude A(n) from the set of A’s that you assert are X’s.”

Why not?

I was told that morality is subjective. I do not NEED an objective reason to pick a moral principle. Why do I need an objective reason to exclude A(n) from my claim that all A’s are X’s?

"BECAUSE THAT'S HOW IT'S DONE!"

This assertion that the person who says, “I may murder you, but you may not murder me,” is violating some principle of logic is nonsense.

Now, somebody may answer that there is nothing particularly wrong with a person holding that he may kill others in ways that others may not kill him. However, these defenders assert, this is no objection against subjectivism. After all, none of the other people have any reason to accept the person’s claim that he may kill whom he pleases.

Here, I would answer, "Now you are starting to make sense. Morality is not really about what suits me. It is about what people generally have reasons to support or inhibit. More specifically, it is about what malleable desires people generally have reason to promote or inhibit. These are desires that tend to fulfill or thwart other desires (respectively).”

Fourth: “Should” is a subjective relationship; it involves a certain standard.

This is another sentence elsewhere in M’s posting that gets to the core of the matter.

In fact, ‘Should’ makes no essential reference to standards. It makes its essential reference to desires.

You can come up with whatever standards you wish. It makes no sense to say that a person should act in accordance with those standards unless he has a ‘reason to act’ in accordance with those standards. The only reasons for action that exist are desires.

We really have only three options regarding our use of the word ‘should’.

  1. We are making a ‘should’ claim that has absolutely nothing to say about reasons for action. This means it is being used in a way that simply does not recommend possibilities to people. This view of ‘should’ is entirely incoherent.
  2. We are making a ‘should’ claim that makes an assertion about reasons for action. However, we find no reason for action among the relevant set of desires. In this case, the speaker is making reference to reasons for action that do not exist. In other words, his ‘should’ claim is false – there are no reasons for action supporting the option he is recommending.
  3. We are making a ‘should’ claim that makes an assertion about reasons for action, and those reasons for action are desires. Under this model, if the ‘should’ claim is actually relating an option to a set of desires, then the ‘should’ claim has the potential to be objectively true. Are there reasons for action supporting that action, or are there not?

Even if we talk about the totally arbitrary rules of a game such as chess, and we say, “You should take his queen with your knight,” we have to include some assumptions about the desires of the speaker for the ‘should’ to make any sense. We have to assume that the player wants to win, for example. If, instead, the agent wishes to lose (e.g., he is playing his boss who gets annoyed at employees who do beat him at chess), then the claim, “you should take his queen with your knight” is false. In this case, it is objectively false that taking the queen would fulfill the desires of the player.

If there is no reference to desires, then there is no ‘reason for action’ for doing what should be done. Desires are real. And the relationship between the state of affairs and relevant desires must actually exist – must be part of the real world – before it makes sense to say that a person really should do that which is being recommended.

It takes a bit more work, but it is a straight-forward shot to say that moral ‘should’ is concerned with what desires people generally have reason to promote or inhibit (using praise or condemnation as appropriate) because of its tendency to fulfill or thwart other desires.

Thursday, January 04, 2007

Family Planning

Another question from the studio audience came to me through my web site. The questioner asked about the moral issues relevant to population growth. Among his comments, this reader wrote that it may be immoral to bring another child into this world, given the population problem.

On a desire utilitarian model, I would argue that a universal aversion to having children far too drastic. If this aversion were truly adopted and made universal, it would result in the extinction of the human race.

The Storehouse

Think of a common storehouse with a limited amount of food. The village elders adopt a rule. Anybody with a bowl can take as much food out of the warehouse as they would like. However, those without bowls are not permitted to eat. Somebody comes along and says, “I can manufacture bowls for those who are starving, so that they can take food from the storehouse.” The village elders then respond, “We reject that idea. We do not have enough food to go around as it is. The last thing we need is for more people to be taking food out of the warehouse.”

Well, the village would have enough food if the gluttons were not taking it all. And there is enough room on the planet for everybody to have a small number of children, if it were not being overpopulated by people who have children by the dozen.

A better, fairer set of moral principles would be to morally condemn those who have large families. They are creating problems for everybody.

Desires, Fulfillment, and the Raising of Children

I think that it is reasonable to believe that humans evolved a number of natural desires associated with helping a child become a successful adult. There is certainly reason to suspect that evolution has nudged our natural dispositions in ways that favored desires to have a child and raise it to an adult that is capable of raising a grandchild to adulthood. There is reason to suspect that a prohibition (or installing artificial barriers for people) to have a raise a child of their own is far too desire-thwarting to be any good on average.

A law of diminishing returns suggests that, in general, a parent will obtain less desire fulfillment from their fifth or sixth child, than another parent will receive from their first or second – in the same way that a person will get less value from his fifth helping form the common warehouse than a neighbor will receive from his first. So, if we are going to promote desires that tend to fulfill the desires of others, an aversion to large families, like an aversion to gluttony – as well as a desire for more equal distributions – are easily defended. There is no sense in a system that denies that one group of people have any children while others have as many as they want.

The glutton who takes extra food from the common storehouse does not create for me an obligation to quit eating. Instead, he creates a reason for people generally to meet him with condemnation and punishment to promote an overall social aversion to the type of behavior the glutton engages in.

Changing Value of Desires

This gives me an opportunity to mention an important element of desire utilitarianism – the possibility that moral values change over time. They do not change over time at the whim of those who believe them; this turns out to be irrelevant. They change over time in the sense that changes in one’s environment make malleable desires more or less likely to fulfill other desires.

Let me illustrate my point with an example not related to ethics.

Our biological ancestors, living as animals at the mercy of their environment, probably benefited from a taste for high-calorie, high-cholesterol food and a biological tendency to store extra calories consumed at one point of time as fat to consume at another point of time. This allowed our ancestors to survive famine, drought, and blight. Those ancestors who lacked this preference for extra high-calorie food were more likely to end their family line the next time the weather turned against them.

However, we (at least most of those within eyeshot of these words) find ourselves in a different environment where the next meal is nearly guaranteed. We still have a desire to consume extra high-calorie food. Unfortunately, it is everywhere to be found. This leads to obesity. This, in turn, leads to heart disease, stroke, diabetes, and a host of other desire-thwarting physical conditions.

The value of the desire to eat large quantities of high-calorie food has changed over time. It has gone from being a good desire, to a bad desire – a desire that we have reason to inhibit if we could. In fact, a large amount of economic activity goes into even crackpot scams claiming to have found a way to inhibit these desires.

The same may well be true in the case of family planning.

In our primitive past, societies may well have had reason to promote a desire to have and raise as many children as possible. Such a village has more men to be warriors to defend the town. It could benefit from more specialization and trade, with craftsmen performing specific jobs to the point that they could become true experts and masters of efficiency. It would allow the community to take advantage of certain economies of scale.

As such, these people may well have had more and stronger ‘reasons for action’ for promoting large families, for encouraging women to value childbirth and child-raising, and for condemning options that did not contribute directly to procreation. Its “desires that tended to fulfill other desires” might well have included a desire to have as many children as possible.

However, that was a time when there was plenty of resources, and peoples’ effect on their environment was small. The addition of one more person to the community provided for more good (brain power, muscle power) than bad (crowding, pollution).

There is room for dispute as to the severity of the population problem. Yet, large segments of the population now limit their birth rate, either voluntarily (the United States and Europe) or under compulsion (China). It is at least prima facie reasonable to assert that we would face some tough times if the whole population of Earth was still producing children as rapidly as it used to.

We now have ‘reasons for action’ for promoting smaller families. Desires that we once had ‘reason for action’ to encourage with praise, we now have reason to treat with condemnation for the parents’ selfishness and disregard for the problems that they are contributing to. This ‘aversion for large families’ can be promoted in part by encouraging women in particular to find value in other activities – in work, in politics, in engineering, in chemistry, in writing, and in other activities. We now have ‘reason for action’ to say that there is nothing wrong with the woman who wants no child, or one or two.

It is not reasonable to expect that we have the power, or sufficient ‘reasons for action’ to inhibit the desire for sex itself. It makes more sense to promote a desire for safe sex and an aversion to forms of sex that result in unwanted pregnancy and disease. We have a far stronger ‘reason for action’ to promote a desire for intimacy with birth control than to promote an aversion to intimacy itself.

As our environment changes, the desires we have ‘reasons for action’ to promote or to discourage also change.

Here, I need to make a careful distinction between two different ways in which our moral attitudes may change. In yesterday’s post, I wrote about how increased information can help us to realize that things that we once thought were permissible (we once thought we had ‘reasons for action’ to promote) such as capital punishment may be things that we have ‘reasons for action’ to inhibit. In these cases, morality does not change, but our understanding of the real world changes our understanding of what we have ‘reasons for action’ to do.

In today’s post, I am talking about morality (not our understanding of it) actually changing – of desires that we have ‘reasons for action’ to promote in one environment come to be desires that we have ‘reasons for action’ to inhibit as the environment changes. In this case, it is not our understanding of morality that changed, but morality itself.

An objective morality does not require that moral principles be unchanging over time, any more than an objective physics requires that the speed of an object remain unchanging over time.

Another Problem with Religious Ethics

In nature, the malleability of our desires has provided us with a useful benefit. With it, we are easily adaptable to different environments. As the environment changes, we are capable of acquiring new desires that fit our behavior to that environment.

If you mold a square peg out of metal, then it can only fit in a square hole. If there is no square hole of the appropriate size for it to fit into, then it is to be discarded.

If you mold your peg out of some flexible material capable of taking many shapes, then it can fit in many different holes. The odds that it will find a fit (and not thereby be discarded) is much greater.

It is not unreasonable to hold that this explains why humans have evolved to have malleable brains – with the shape of our beliefs and our desires molded by our interactions with our environment.

Morality that is made dependent on scripture robs us of this advantage. In theory, scriptural morality was perfectly correct when it was created, and its principles are supposed to be valid in all cases. Scriptural morality seeks to turn morality into the iron peg.

That peg was designed and carved by people who were substantially ignorant of the world around them. They designed their morality with an understanding of psychology, astronomy, chemistry, physics, optics, biology, climatology, weather, mathematics, logic, engineering, fluid dynamics, and pre-history worse than that of many grade school students today. They carved their morality pegs with only fragmentary knowledge (some of it wrong) of the holes that it must fit into.

Yet, even if we assume that, at the time, they managed to carve a perfect fit between the morality pegs and the environment in which they lived (an assumption that is laughably absurd), it is still the case that the last think we need is a set of rigid morality pegs that does not recognize the fact that our environment changes over time. With change, the tendency of different desires to fulfill or thwart other desires also changes.

Morality based on scripture is much like a traveler, with only the most crude map of the territory from Los Angeles to New York, writing down the precise directions of his road trip. Those directions describe how far he will travel, in what direction, when he will turn, his new heading, his speed, and all other elements. Then, he paints the windows of his car black, and he starts the trip. He refuses to look out the window and study the real-world situation he is driving through, because he insists that the original directions written in substantial ignorance must be flawlessly without error.

This is an insane way to proceed from Los Angeles to New York. In terms of ethics, it is an insane form of moral philosophy, to hold that the principles laid down by primitive tribesmen must be without error and will work equally well in an over-crowded, technology-driven modern society as in the loose collection of herdsmen where it originated.

Wednesday, January 03, 2007

Abolishing Capital Punishment

I am getting an ever increasing number of requests to address specific issues, to the point that I have a small backlog. I will get to them as I can.

One question that I received from email asks about the Italian proposal for a moratorium on capital punishment.

I think that I favor such a moratorium. I am not fully certain because my final answer depends on the verification of certain physical facts relevant to the wrongness of capital punishment. I think that these hypotheses would be confirmed, but the possibility of error suggests a possibility of error on the issue of capital punishment over all.

The main issue, in desire utilitarian terms, is this: Would promoting a universal aversion to all killing strong enough that people are adverse to killing even their most hated criminals do more to protect innocent life than promoting a desire to kill the most hated criminals?

There is reason to believe that societies that teach their children the stronger aversion to killing end up raising fewer murderers, and end up with fewer innocent people being murdered (or maimed) than societies that teach their children to celebrate certain killings.

Causes of Murder

Technically, I suggest that those who harm others typically ‘rationalize’ the wrongness of what they are doing by twisting commonly accepted moral principles to make their actions seem justified. The rapist convinces himself that women like rape or that certain types of women deserve rape. Embezzlers convince themselves that they have a right to the money because their employer is not paying them what they are really worth.

Following this model, we can expect murderers to be people who have come to think that their victims deserve death. To the degree that a culture accepts the idea of ‘deserves death’, it is easier for a person within that culture to come to that type of rationalization. To a degree that a culture rejects the concept of ‘deserves death’, it should be a bit harder for people within that community to think this of a potential victim.

Not all children, sitting at the dinner table coloring in his book while his parents celebrate the killing of some criminal, is going to learn that what the criminal did was bad. Some may learn that killing itself is joyful. Later in his life when he encounters some frustration – a girlfriend who will not return his affection, a competitor who wins a choice contract, an annoying neighbor - his weaker aversion to killing might not be strong enough to stop him from fulfilling his desire to do harm to those who are causing him grief.

I am not saying that this is some type of rigid natural law. There is a lot of ‘noise’ that would have to be filtered out in a study of this issue. I may be mistaken – which is why I offer no unqualified support of the Italian proposal. However, I have some empirical evidence to suggest support for this view.

Empirical Measures of Deterrence

The standard way of determining the effects of capital punishment is to look at a place where capital punishment rules changed and compare murder rates before the change with murder rates after the change. If the explanation above has merit, this would not be effective. Changes in murder rates and changes in capital punishment laws would have a common cause – with a growing aversion to killing simultaneously promoting a reduction in murder rates even before the aversion to capital punishment has an effect on the law.

One statistic consistent with this suggestion can be found in the fact that Europe (which has banned capital punishment) has a lower murder rate than the United States (which substantially supports capital punishment). Of course, this may be the result of cherry-picking the data. Or the reason might be found in some other cause such as limitations on private gun ownership.

Another fact that suggests that capital punishment, at least, does not deter murder rests in the fact that a large proportion of murderers are younger. If fear of capital punishment were a statistically significant influence on murder rates, we would expect younger people to have a stronger reason to resist the urge to kill than elderly individuals – yet elderly individuals are less likely to murder.

These arguments are not decisive. They point out where it may be fruitful for some people to do some investigation. I suspect that they will find that an aversion to killing so strong that people are averse to killing even their most hated murderers will result in fewer murderers to hate.

It seems almost self evident that we will have a much stronger basis on which to criticize the terrorist, the kidnap-murderer, the war-monger, and the tyrant. To assert that killing is never justified gives these murderers little room for moral demagoguery; whereas our killing grants them room to argue that their killings are mere variations of the same theme.

Moral Absolutes

Now, desire utilitarianism does not allow for moral absolutes. Any desire or aversion can be outweighed by stronger desires and aversions recommending different actions, or the combined weight of several smaller desires. It will not pay to teach children to grow up with such an aversion to killing that they become easy prey for the first tyrant to come along and take over their government. We do not create a culture that protects our children from harm if we make our neighbors too timid to step in and protect our children, by violence if necessary, if they witness our children being victims of an attack.

Yet, the claim that we would not benefit if we made the aversion to killing infinitely strong (which would be physically impossible anyway) does not imply that we would not benefit from making the aversion stronger than it is now. It would have been a mistake if the American culture was so averse to killing that we failed to recognize that the invasion of Afghanistan was a necessary evil. However, we would be 3000 lives and $400 billion richer if we had recognized that the invasion of Iraq was not a necessary evil.

Scripture

There are those who would protest this conclusion on the grounds that their favorite scripture supports capital punishment. If we take the way such people respond to the scientific evidence supporting evolution as our model, we can well expect such people to twist, distort, and misinterpret the physical data on capital punishment so that it appears to support their view. However, there is clearly no sense in allowing scripture to determine who lives and who dies. If scripture were to be made our guide, then none of us would be alive. There is nobody on the planet that has not performed a deadly sin according to somebody’s book somewhere.

Scripture must be taken as being in error in who it says that we may kill. Otherwise, all people who work on the Sabbath could be executed, as well as any who speak in defense of anything other than Christianity. These errors, and several like them, tell us that the moral person cannot turn to scripture to determine who should live and who should die.

As I have argued in the past – it makes is as foolish to hold that scripture is the unassailable source of all morality as it is to hold that Hippocrates is the unassailable source on the subject of medicine. It would be savagely irresponsible to deny a neighbor the benefits of 2,000 years of medical advances – and, in particular, the opportunity to benefit on what we have learned since free thinkers through out the yoke of blind obedience to the Church. It is just as morally reprehensible to saddle humanity with a morality that was equally, primitively wrong. A primitive morality, even more so than a primitive medicine, means misery, suffering, and death.

What a primitive morality does not allow us to do is to take our growing knowledge of the world around us and to factor it into our moral standards – to learn new moral facts. As I said at the start, the rightness or wrongness of the Italian proposal depends substantially on whether we can demonstrate, empirically, that the stronger and simpler aversion to killing that includes an aversion to killing our most hated criminals will save innocent lives. The religious demand that we ignore these facts requires that we turn our back on that which may save innocent lives – as if the saving of innocent lives does not matter.

Conclusion

Many theists say that atheism is dogmatic. Yet, in fact, we find the atheists more likely to use the phrase, “I do not know,” when faced with questions such as this. Yet, even the atheist who does not know can give us directions on where to look. In this case, we look for the effects of promoting different aversions to killing in a culture at large. To the theist, we find the answer in the writings of people who did not even know that their world orbited the sun and was made up of atoms. We would be better off drawing our moral principles out of a hat then saying that substantially ignorant writers from 2000 years ago could produce an infallible moral system.

Tuesday, January 02, 2007

30 Years from Now

I had my niece staying with me for about a week after Christmas. That experience caused me to spend a lot of time thinking about what the world will be like 30 years from now.

At that time, she probably will have children of her own just entering adulthood. If she continues to grow into the caring person that she seems to be becoming, she will be greatly concerned with the future that her child will have. So much so, in fact, that I cannot sensibly hope that she has a good life, without hoping that in 30 years she will be able to hope for a better life for her children.

What type of world will they have?

More importantly, as I think about her future, I wonder what it is that I can do to make that future better. What kind of future can I help to make for her?

Thirty years from now, she will probably discover that a huge portion of her income is going to mitigate against the effects of global warming. The government will be driven to near financial collapse by the costs associated with this problem . . . PLUS the costs of the baby boomers in retirement . . . PLUS the cost of paying the interest of a huge budget deficit. All of those expenses will have to be taken out of her paycheck, while she is struggling to feed and clothe and shelter her family while working to send her eldest children to college.

She will be worried about who might take her children away from her. Will there be some sort of truce between Muslims and the West in 30 years, or will she be worrying about her child being drafted, sent away, and shot – a telegram coming in the mail telling her that the child she had raised died nobly in the service of his country?

Perhaps her child will take his own life. For example, a child (with a child’s developing mind) may pick up on the community stigma against homosexuality, learn to hate himself, and blow his brains out both to eliminate a future which he sees as painful and empty and because he has learned society’s attitude of condemnation towards such people.

Who, out there, is threatening my niece with such misery as she might experience if any of these events come to pass? How can I protect her from the possibility of such a horrendous day?

Of course, I cannot eliminate all risks. However, I can work to protect her from some of them.

For example, the state of Massachusetts approved a Constitutional Amendment for the 2008 ballot that will ban homosexual marriage. (The proposal must pass a second vote next year to appear on the ballot).

It is likely, if Massachusetts supports the ban, that at least one mother’s child will see this as a statement of personal condemnation. That child will internalize the message, and take his own life. If not my niece, then somebody’s niece, will have to deal with the pain of a phone call from some hospital or a visit from some police officer bringing her news more painful than that which any human shall ever be forced to endure.

Wanting to protect my niece, and others like her, from suffering through a day like this, would it not be a good thing to oppose this amendment and allow my grand nephew to realize that he is valued as a person – so long as he is not a threat to others?

And who is doing this harm? Who is killing these children?

I would, in particular, like to see a campaign in opposition to these laws waged in a while new way. Rather than the standard slogans one hears where these issues are discussed, I would rather hear something like this:

This law is just another example of a case where people do harm to their peaceful neighbors in the name of God. These religious fundamentalists may not be using bombs and guns, but the damage that they do is just as destructive. Their victims end up no less dead and maimed by their actions. A law is no less of a weapon of mass destruction than any biological and chemical weapon.

It will catch between 300,000 and 650,000 Massachusetts citizens in its blast area – far more than any suicide bomber in Baghdad. They will suffer the loss of the ability to share a life with the people that they love, to form a team of mutual support for their joint well-being, unless they do so with those they simply do not have such intense affection for. Some will end up dead. Others will be maimed. Still others will simply be made to suffer without suffering any physical injury – all because a group of people got the idea to do harm in the name of God.

This is morals legislation, you tell me? This has just as much to do with morality as the inquisition, crusades, and witch hunts. Those people – the people who committed those moral crimes – turned to scripture to find justification for their actions. No doubt, they thought that the burning to death of their neighbor the heretic, the infidel, or the wisdom was no less justified than the harms that modern fundamentalists inflict on their neighbors.

Homosexuals are a threat to the community? They will destroy the sacred relationship of the conventional marriage? Sure. They are just as much a threat as the witch who was allowing Satan to have influence over mortal lives. The 16th century scientist who argued that the Earth was not the center of the universe, degrading all of humanity by suggesting that the whole universe did not revolve around us was also a threat. No doubt he, too, deserved to be burned at the stake.

No, the homosexual is no more of a threat to society than the witch or the scientist who placed the sun at the center of the solar system. These types of laws are no less unjust.

Oh, I forgot. We are not supposed to criticize other people’s religion. Well, that particular doctrine, 500 years ago, would have meant standing aside while the witches and the scientists were burned, allowing the misery that the Church was more than willing to inflict on its victims. If one thinks that the true hero of the 1500s was one who would have spoken against the church in defense of its victims, then the hero now can do no less than to speak up against the church in defense of its contemporary victims.

This is an example of a new type of campaign – one that paints contemporary religion-based legislation in their proper historic context – as yet another case of the Church doing harm in the name of imposing God’s will on others.

Then my niece, 30 years from now, when she is looking at her son or daughter preparing to leave high school and join the adult community, will at least have the comfort of knowing that their child has been protected from the harm that the Church does in the name of serving God.

There are other threats to be concerned about. There is worry over medical problems (though they will be better advanced by abolishing the Church’s opposition to new medicines – the way it once stood in the way of immunizations and advances in surgery on the grounds that those who practiced these arts were ‘playing God’).

There is the threat of war (though war itself seems to be most commonly motivated these days by individuals who think that it is permissible or even obligatory to deal violently with any who deny the authority of their religious text.

I deny that it makes sense to argue that religion itself, under all circumstances, is an evil. My claim here is to attack specifically those doctrines that case followers to act in ways harmful to others.

Whether the Church is able to withstand such an attack – whether it has any doctrines that are not provable examples of people doing harm to others in the name of God – is not relevant.

Is the specific doctrine being attacked an instance of people bringing harm to peaceful neighbors in the name of God? That is the question under discussion. Let no person distract the issue into irrelevancies.

With the worst of these offences properly described, I think that this will bring something of a brighter future for my niece – and for anybody you know who is of that age (perhaps yourself). And that would make it worthwhile.

Monday, January 01, 2007

The Apathetists

So, what can we do this year to leave the world a better place than it would have otherwise been?

Do we even have reason to leave the world a better place than it would have otherwise been?

Well, clearly, I hold that the answer to the latter question is ‘yes’. The only reasons for action that exist are desires, and we all have desires. We all have reasons to promote in others those desires that tend to fulfill other desires. Then, when those desires drive those people to act, they will have even more reason to promote desires that fulfill the desires of others.

Yet, we live in a world where a great many desires are thwarted. More importantly, they are thwarted by other human beings – human beings who could, themselves, whose desires to fulfill the desires of others could be strengthened, and whose desires that tend to thwart the desires of others can be more adequately weakened.

We have reason to do so, and we have the tools. If we do not act, then one can wonder where we can find the high ground for saying that others are both irrational and harmful.

I have been carefully going over Sam Harris’ argument in “The End of Faith”, seeing if I can pull out a coherent set of premises and conclusions that make sense of his many claims. So far, it has proved difficult. I can find multiple interpretations to many of the things he writes.

Which itself creates a problem for Harris, who seems (from time to time) to argue that we should reject any work that it is possible to misinterpret in ways that would appear to justify atrocities. Given the possibility of even willful misinterpretation by those who want to make some atrocious ends of theirs seem justified, I doubt that any document could avoid condemnation on these grounds. The Declaration of Independence (…whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it…) served to justify Southern secession.

Harris also appears to equate ‘moderatism’ (if I may coin a word) with ‘abject tolerance’ (or ‘a prohibition on criticism’). There is nothing in the concept of ‘moderate’ that insists on a toleration for fundamentalism. Indeed, it is quite consistent with ‘moderatism’ to view extremism as a vile and vicious practice. They are, in many instances, the first to condemn and criticize those who are not moderate, just as some of those who are tolerant are the first to condemn and criticize those who do practice tolerance.

However, there are, indeed, moderates who object to any criticism of another’s views, even those of people who are, themselves, highly critical of others. This is an entirely incoherent position that would, for example, condemn the abolitionist (who is critical of slave culture), but praise those who are critical of abolitionist culture. It is a form of moderation that is as incoherent and twisted as any religion.

If it is a fault of ‘moderatism’ that it gives a free ride to extremism, this raises a question.

Would this also be a fault of ‘apathetism’ – the attitude of, “I do not want to get involved?”

Here, I am merely expressing the attitude inherent in the cliché, “The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing.”

Does this not make, “Good people doing nothing,” as guilty of aiding and abetting fundamentalism as the ‘moderates’ in Harris’ sense? Is there a moral difference between the moderate who does not stand up against extremism out of principle, and the ‘apathetist’ who refuses to do so out of lack of interest?

It is widely noted that there are substantially more atheists in America (and the world) than there are Jews. Yet, the atheists are far less visible, and cannot even hold public office in the United States. We can blame theists for their bigotry in this regard, but we cannot also deny that another proximate cause is lack of effort in opposing these doctrines.

Well, New Year’s Day is a good day to cast aside bad habits and try, at least for a little while, to replace them with good habits. It is a good day to ask, “What am I going to do this year that is better than what I did last year?

In 2006, the atheists received a lot of press. This will invite a question. Are you ready for the backlash? Think of a chess game. Last year, the atheists were able to perform Harris-Dawkins maneuver. It caused some significant damage to the (political) force of the theists. However, let us not be so naive to think that there are not theists today plotting their counter-attacks – and that they will not seek to put the anti-theists back on the defensive, even return them to silence.

What are we doing to prepare for that counter-maneuver? What form might it take? Will we be prepared for it?

One suggestion for the form that this counter-move may take employs the classic tradeoff between quality and quantity. The quality of the arguments may be on the side of Harris and Dawkins. The quantity of public expression clearly favors the theists. Expect Dawkins and Harris to become sources of fundraising for the theists, who will then use their money to purchase the microphone of public media, who will simply drown out their critics in the volume of their response.

History clearly shows that a well-marketed, well-funded lie; even a well-marketed and well-funded absurdity that no rational person could think true for an instant, can win the public hearts and minds. Back in the realm of incoherence and absurdity, there is the view that, in the end, the rational argument will always win against all attackers, being held by somebody who needs only to open his eyes to see the widespread acceptance of such falsehoods as define the beliefs common to most religions. The agent who thinks that he can stand back and do nothing and victory will go to the agents of reason by default simply has not opened a history book. Rational argument will not win unless it is vigorously defended.

In speaking about this defense, I must make some things clear lest I be accused of doing something that even I have condemned in the past. I have asserted the principle that the only legitimate response to words are counter-words, and the only legitimate response to a political campaign is a counter-campaign in a society with freedom of speech and free elections. There are limits to what is justified in the defense of an idea.

Which brings me to yet another problem with Harris’ book – and, indeed, many arguments against theism that I have encountered. The argument is that these fundamentalist Muslims and Christians are to be condemned because they hold that others (infidels, heretics, and the like) are in error and must be converted in order to find full acceptance. Yet, are we not saying that only those who convert can find full acceptance?

I’ve posted an article stating that those who hold that the Earth is less than 6,000 years old are not fit for public office. What is the moral difference between this and the claim that those who deny that the Earth is less than 6,000 years old are not fit to hold public office?

This, indeed, is where I suspect the counter-attack against Dawkins, Harris, and the ‘New’ atheists will come from – from the idea that the ‘new’ atheists are just as intolerant – just as demanding of conversion – just as willing to view ‘moderates’ as the enemy and argue for their elimination, either by conversion or by coercion, as those that the “new atheists” condemn.

So, what is the defense?

We could say that it is permissible to exclude them because they are fundamentally wrong about certain facts and, because of their error, cannot be trusted to make wise decisions. They would, no doubt, say the same thing about us. We could say that they really are wrong, and they would answer that it is we who really are wrong.

Does a person have a right to hold public office regardless of what he believes, or can beliefs be held against a person who believes the wrong things?

Clearly, beliefs are relevant. The idea that we may not consider a person’s beliefs when deciding if he is qualified to hold public office is absurd. When it comes to keeping atheists out of office because their beliefs, the fact is that it is not wrong because we should not consider beliefs in judging candidates. It is wrong because those who judge the beliefs of atheists as disqualifying them for public office are making a mistake.

In fact, depending on their moral views, atheists are particularly well qualified to hold public office because they are particularly well qualified to judge the real-world effect of real-world laws. Whereas the reliance on myth and superstition means that others are prone to adopt laws that only have good effect in their imaginary worlds. The difference, instead, rests in whether the agent accepts the limitation that the proper response to words must be limited to words – and violence not be used to enforce beliefs; and that political campaigns (in a free and open society) only be countered by political campaigns regardless of the degree of certainty one has that the ‘victors’ have the wrong beliefs.

Whether the upcoming counter-attack against atheists comes here or elsewhere, there is no doubt that its perpetrators will be putting its full financial resources into the campaign, and it is indeed quite possible for the most mistaken and irrational views to become dominant even in modern times with the right backing. The question is whether atheists and rationalists will resolve to hold back this counter-attack with the forceful voice that the situation will likely require.